I tried my best to avoid writing about the concluded APC primary elections in Adamawa State, particularly the governorship primaries, but my conscience would not allow me to remain silent.

K is a man I deeply admire. Over the past seven years, he has demonstrated two important qualities that I value in a leader: the ability to drive infrastructural development and the courage to make difficult yet necessary decisions.
Even Fintiri’s opponents acknowledge that he has transformed Adamawa State through extensive infrastructural development. I need not list the infrastructure, as it is visible everywhere. I commend him for that. Additionally, his willingness to make far-reaching decisions—such as creating additional chiefdoms and emirates, and demolishing houses and business centers in strategic areas of the state, regardless of who is affected—makes him my number one leader.

Considering my respect for Fintiri, I believed he would navigate the political landscape effectively and bring on board his preferred successor, who would continue the good work he started. However, Fintiri failed. Initially, it was unwise for him to defect to the APC. He should have remained in the PDP or, if he had to leave due to legal challenges within the PDP, he should have sought another platform that he could fully control, as his colleagues in Bauchi and Osun states did, rather than joining the APC.
However, when he defected to the APC, I took comfort in believing that he was a resilient individual capable of navigating his way out of any difficult situation. But I was wrong. As the leader of Adamawa State, he made some tough decisions, and they succeeded. However, as a ‘leader’ within the APC, he could not. The man within him seemed to die. The flame he had ignited was extinguished within seconds, revealing his true character.
Fintiri is not strong enough. All the brigandage and threats to fight for his ‘people’ with the last drop of blood in his body came crashing down, just as he had destroyed people’s homes and business centers.

Given his soft spot for Christians and the alleged agreement that he would hand over power to them in 2027, I thought Felix Tangwami was the man. This impression was reinforced by the fact that, during the campaign, Tangwami was surrounded by commissioners and other government officials. However, this did not materialize when Tangwami ultimately settled for a seat in the Senate.

I later concluded that the man behind the mask was Hon. Abdulrazak Namdas, PhD. After all, the bond between them was very strong, and there were rumors that he would be given the ticket. Although I personally preferred Felix Tangwami, in his absence, I wouldn’t mind Hon. Abdulrazak Namdas, PhD, especially since he performed very well during his time in the House of Representatives. However, to my utmost shock, Namdas also lost. He came in second, while Ahmed Tijjani emerged as the flag bearer. Tijjani had no prior political history in Adamawa State. Yes, Ribadu made it happen. He is indeed the leader of the APC. Ahmadu Fintiri was allegedly compromised.

Many people were disappointed, including his closest friends. However, they could only gossip on the sidelines and dared not confront him for fear of losing their daily meals.
The camaraderie between him (Fintiri) and Salihu Mustapha PhD vanished into thin air, as if nothing had ever happened-between them. That chapter will be revealed in due course, and we eagerly await it.

At this moment, I sympathize with Governor Fintiri because I believe that, deep down, Tijjani Galadima is not his preferred choice. The Tijjani men are aware of this but are merely playing along, waiting for the right time to assume leadership.
There are rumors circulating that certain groups are plotting to ensure Fintiri loses his Senate election. This is not a joke. The level of conspiracy surrounding this issue is significant. I urge Fintiri to take it seriously.
There are allegations that the Ribadu/Tijjani faction believes Fintiri will work against them; in other words, they think he is planning an anti-party strategy, which is why they are making plans to counter him.

It has been reported once again that Fintiri has yet to release funds to Tijjani to support his campaign, emphasizing that he does not have any available money. The funds in his possession are strictly allocated for ongoing projects, and he is unwilling to leave any unfinished. Tijjani’s camp perceives this as an act of sabotage.

The truth is that Fintiri has disappointed many people. If he does not exercise caution, he risks losing both the governorship and his bid for the Senate. Should that happen, I would advise him to stay away from Adamawa for several years, by which time much will have changed.

Iliya Haruna writes from Jimet

By George Mgbeleke

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) is deeply outraged by the cold-blooded murder of retired Major-General Abubakar Rabe by terrorists who held him captive and demanded the release of their associates in government custody.
In a statement signed by National Coordinator Human Rights Writers Association, Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie the group said, “while we commend President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for publicly rejecting the terrorists’ demand and vowing never to release their detained accomplices, HURIWA insists that the time has come for the Federal Government to move beyond declarations and launch an uncompromising national offensive against terrorism, banditry and kidnapping.
“The gruesome killing of a retired Major-General of the Nigerian Army is not merely an attack on an individual. It is a direct assault on the authority, sovereignty and integrity of the Nigerian State. If terrorists can abduct and kill a retired General with such audacity, then ordinary citizens are even more vulnerable to the daily reign of terror unleashed by these enemies of humanity.
The murder of General Rabe is yet another painful reminder that terrorists do not seek peace, dialogue or reconciliation. They seek fear. They seek bloodshed. They seek to undermine the authority of the Nigerian State. Every concession granted to them only emboldens them to commit even greater atrocities.”
The statement further said,”Barely hours after Nigerians received the shocking news of the General’s death, reports emerged from Zamfara State that armed bandits invaded farmlands in Goron Namaye, Maradun Local Government Area, where they reportedly slaughtered 17 farmers one after another and left at least 13 others with severe injuries.
“These killings are not isolated incidents. They are part of a relentless campaign of mass murder that has consumed thousands of innocent lives across Nigeria. Virtually every week, Nigerians wake up to fresh reports of massacres, kidnappings, village invasions, attacks on schools, destruction of farmlands and the displacement of entire communities.
“For too long, terrorists and bandits have operated with frightening confidence, exploiting weaknesses in law enforcement and benefiting from a criminal justice system that often fails to deliver swift and effective punishment. The result is the growing perception among these criminal elements that the Nigerian State lacks the resolve to impose consequences proportionate to their crimes.
HURIWA therefore calls on the National Assembly to immediately amend the Terrorism (Prevention and Prohibition) Act and designate terrorism, mass kidnapping, terrorist financing, insurgency and acts of mass murder against civilians as capital offences punishable by death upon conviction.
“We further demand the establishment of special terrorism courts with accelerated hearing procedures and time-bound appeals to prevent convicted terrorists from exploiting endless legal delays while their victims and their families continue to suffer.”
Continuing it said, “The current unofficial moratorium on the implementation of death sentences should also be reviewed in the national interest. Those who deliberately massacre innocent citizens, attack schools, abduct children, burn villages and wage war against the Nigerian people should face the maximum punishment provided by law after exhausting all constitutional judicial processes.
Nigeria is effectively at war with forces determined to destroy lives, cripple economic activities and undermine national security. This war cannot be won through half-measures, symbolic rhetoric or periodic condemnations after each massacre.
“The Federal Government must order a sustained, intelligence-driven military campaign to hunt down, neutralize and dismantle every terrorist and bandit enclave across the country. There must be no safe haven, no sanctuary and no breathing space for those who profit from bloodshed.
“The death of Major-General Abubakar Rabe and the massacre of 17 farmers in Zamfara must mark a turning point in Nigeria’s counter-terrorism strategy. If the nation fails to respond decisively now, more communities will fall, more families will mourn, and more innocent Nigerians will become victims of a crisis that has already lasted far too long.

“History will not judge the government by the strength of its statements but by the effectiveness of its actions. The time for extraordinary measures is now.”

By Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr

When Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio assumed office as President of Nigeria’s 10th Senate in June 2023, expectations were understandably high. Nigeria was grappling with economic headwinds, persistent security challenges, and growing public demand for more responsive and effective democratic institutions. In such a climate, the National Assembly was expected not merely to make laws, but to provide leadership, strengthen oversight, and restore public confidence in governance.
Three years into his tenure, the Senate under Akpabio has increasingly sought to position itself as a stable, proactive, and policy-driven legislative institution. Through a combination of legislative initiatives, institutional reforms, parliamentary diplomacy, and engagement with critical national issues, the Senate has played a visible role in shaping the country’s governance landscape. While critics have raised concerns on certain matters—an inevitable feature of democratic leadership—the overall record presents a legislature that has remained active, cohesive, and focused on its constitutional responsibilities during a period of significant national transition.
The foremost responsibility of any legislature is lawmaking, and in this regard, the 10th Senate has maintained an ambitious legislative agenda. Hundreds of bills have been introduced and processed, many of them directly targeting Nigeria’s pressing economic, fiscal, and governance challenges. According to Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, in a midterm scorecard released in June 2025, the upper chamber introduced 983 bills and passed 108 into law between June 2023 and June 2025. This included 83 bills passed in the 2024/2025 legislative year alone, compared to 25 bills in the 9th Senate in the same period. Official legislative records also indicate a significant rise in legislative activity compared to previous assemblies, suggesting that the 10th Senate has been notably active by legislative output metrics.
More significant than the volume of legislation, however, has been the Senate’s focus on measures with far-reaching national implications. The emphasis has not been on legislative activity for its own sake, but on advancing reforms designed to address some of Nigeria’s most pressing economic and governance challenges. The Senate has prioritised reforms aimed at stimulating economic growth, improving public finance management, strengthening institutions, and expanding social protection.
One of the defining legislative undertakings of the 10th Senate has been its commitment to tax reform and fiscal modernization. Nigeria’s tax system has long been criticised for fragmentation, multiple taxation, weak compliance, and excessive dependence on oil revenue. Under Akpabio’s leadership, the Senate pursued reforms aimed at simplifying tax administration, broadening the tax base, promoting digital compliance, and providing greater relief for small businesses and low-income earners. In May 2025, the Senate passed four major tax reform bills which, according to the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms and now Minister of Finance, Taiwo Oyedele, could increase Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio from about 10 per cent in 2023 to approximately 18 per cent by the end of 2027.
These reforms are significant because Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest in Africa, limiting government revenue and public investment capacity. By supporting measures aimed at modernising tax collection and reducing leakages, the Senate sought to create a more sustainable fiscal framework capable of supporting infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.
Beyond fiscal reforms, the Senate has devoted significant legislative attention to education, regional development, agriculture, energy, and the digital economy. Bills relating to tertiary education, regional development etc commissions, agricultural growth, and public sector modernization have featured prominently on its agenda. Notable examples include the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024, which reportedly facilitated over one million applications through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, and the Electricity Act (Amendment) 2023, which expanded the role of states and private investors in electricity generation and distribution.
To strengthen the country’s electoral process, the Senate also pursued amendments to the Electoral Act aimed at improving internal party democracy and clarifying procedures around party primaries and consensus candidacies. Supporters of the reforms argue that clearer legal definitions and procedural safeguards could help reduce arbitrary candidate selection and strengthen transparency within political parties. Senate Leader Bamidele has also indicated that additional reforms, including possible provisions for diaspora voting and early voting for security personnel, remain priorities for the remaining legislative period.
Beyond lawmaking, one of the less visible but significant developments of the 10th Senate has been institutional stability. Historically, Nigeria’s upper legislative chamber has often been characterised by prolonged leadership disputes, partisan confrontations, and disruptions capable of slowing governance processes. Under Akpabio’s leadership, however, the Senate has largely maintained operational cohesion and stability.
Plenary debates have generally remained issue-focused rather than personality-driven, while contentious national matters have often been managed through consultation and negotiation. This atmosphere of relative stability has reduced legislative deadlocks and allowed committees to function with greater consistency.
The Senate President’s leadership style has leaned heavily toward consultation and consensus-building. In a politically diverse chamber comprising members of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, NNPP, SDP, and other minority parties, Akpabio has consistently emphasized bipartisan cooperation over rigid partisanship. Committee appointments, major motions, and sensitive legislative debates have reflected efforts to accommodate competing interests while preserving institutional cohesion.
As a result, the 10th Senate has witnessed substantial cross-party cooperation on key national issues, even though disagreements naturally remain part of democratic governance.
Another area in which the Senate has demonstrated effectiveness is budgetary coordination. For three consecutive fiscal years, the National Assembly passed the national budget before the start of the new financial year. The 2024 budget of N27.5 trillion, for instance, was approved on December 30, 2023, ahead of the fiscal cycle. The Senate also passed the 2024 and 2025 appropriations totalling N43.5 trillion, although implementation timelines for some projects were subsequently extended to facilitate completion.
This marked a departure from previous cycles characterised by delayed budget approvals and implementation uncertainty. Timely budget passage improves predictability for Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, enhances investor confidence, allows contractors to plan more effectively, and supports smoother execution of government projects. In a developing economy like Nigeria, where public expenditure plays a major role in economic activity, budget stability remains important to growth and development.
At the same time, the Senate has continued to discharge its constitutional oversight responsibilities through investigative hearings, committee reviews, and ministerial screenings. During periods of persistent fuel scarcity, the Senate leadership engaged key stakeholders in the petroleum sector, including an oversight visit to the Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Supporters contend that the intervention helped keep national attention focused on domestic refining capacity and crude supply arrangements. Subsequent Federal Government measures, including support for naira-denominated crude transactions, were widely viewed as part of a broader effort to ease supply constraints and calm the downstream market. Today, the long fuel queues that once defined daily life have receded considerably, although deeper challenges in the energy sector remain.
On the international stage, the Senate under Akpabio has strengthened parliamentary diplomacy, carrying Nigeria’s voice into global conversations on democracy, development, security, and international cooperation. Nigeria has assumed a more visible role within the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), contributing to debates on democratic governance, collective security, climate resilience, and legislative best practices. Through these engagements, the Senate has sought not only to advance Nigeria’s interests but also to position the country as a constructive participant in addressing shared global challenges.
A notable diplomatic milestone was Nigeria’s election into the IPU Executive Committee for the first time in decades, a development widely interpreted as recognition of the country’s renewed parliamentary engagement within international legislative circles. Akpabio was also designated to serve on the Preparatory Committee for the 6th World Conference of Speakers of Parliament in 2024.
Domestically, one of the Senate’s most consequential constitutional moments came in August 2023 during the crisis in the Niger Republic following the military coup. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, acting as Chairman of ECOWAS, sought legislative backing for possible regional intervention, the Senate urged restraint and prioritized diplomatic engagement over immediate military action. Widely viewed as a demonstration of legislative independence and respect for the principle of separation of powers, the decision reaffirmed the Senate’s constitutional role in matters of security and foreign policy while underscoring a preference for dialogue, diplomacy, and regional stability at a moment of heightened tension across West Africa.
No balanced assessment of the 10th Senate can entirely overlook concerns raised by critics and observers. Questions have occasionally been raised regarding the depth of scrutiny applied during the confirmation of some executive nominees, while certain oversight investigations produced outcomes that critics considered less robust than expected.
In broader terms, the 10th Senate has combined increased legislative activity with relative political stability while attempting to align its priorities with Nigeria’s economic and governance realities. Supporters point to the passage of the National Minimum Wage Amendment Act, the Investments and Securities Act, and multiple regional development commission bills as examples of substantive legislation with potentially long-term national impact.
With one legislative year remaining before the next election cycle begins to dominate political discourse, the principal test facing the 10th Senate may ultimately be one of implementation and public confidence. If the tax reforms strengthen revenue generation, if the student loan programme continues to expand educational access without major controversy, and if the Senate further enhances oversight transparency, the chamber may secure a more enduring institutional legacy. Conversely, if concerns about public perception and executive accommodation persist, critics may continue to question whether legislative productivity has translated into sufficient institutional independence. It is worth noting, however, that history suggests the most successful periods of national development have often occurred not during eras of executive-legislative confrontation, but when both arms of government cooperated effectively while remaining faithful to their distinct constitutional responsibilities.
If the reforms advanced by the Senate continue to produce measurable national impact, and if the institution successfully addresses concerns relating to oversight and accountability, history may ultimately remember the 10th Senate not merely as a productive legislature, but as one that contributed to stabilising governance and repositioning democratic institutions during a consequential period in Nigeria’s development.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is a former member and Spokesperson in the House of Representatives and currently, the Special Adviser on Media/ Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the 10th Senate