Opinion
How Akpabio’s Leadership Secured Nigeria’s Electoral Future* *
By Rt.Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr
In the evolving story of Nigeria’s democratic consolidation, few issues have provoked as much intensity as electoral reform. The signing into law of the Electoral Act (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill 2026 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marked another chapter in this journey, drawing applause, skepticism, and fierce debate in equal measure.
At the centre of this moment stands Godswill Akpabio, President of the Senate, who has consistently articulated a position that blends institutional caution with reformist intent. His assertion that the National Assembly met “the aspirations of Nigerians, not a few people who make noise” reflects not merely rhetorical flourish, but a deeper philosophy of lawmaking anchored in constitutionalism, legislative procedure, and national peculiarities.
To understand Akpabio’s positioning, one must situate the reform within Nigeria’s broader democratic trajectory. Since the country’s return to civilian rule in 1999, electoral reforms have often oscillated between technological optimism and structural reality. The 2026 re-enactment does not discard innovation; rather, it recalibrates it. In defending the new Act, Akpabio emphasized that the National Assembly undertook a “painstaking” and “thorough” process, mindful of the country’s infrastructural limitations, judicial precedents, and the ultimate objective of preventing disenfranchisement.
A key flashpoint in the debate was the question of electronic transmission of results. For many reform advocates, real-time electronic transmission became symbolic of transparency. Yet Akpabio’s argument was not against technology; it was against rigidity detached from capacity. He consistently maintained that technology must serve democracy, not endanger it. In a country where broadband penetration is uneven, where insecurity disrupts network infrastructure across multiple states, and where power supply remains inconsistent, embedding inflexible “real-time” mandates into statute could, in his view, expose elections to avoidable litigations and invalidation.
This perspective aligns with the constitutional role of the legislature. The Senate does not conduct elections; it makes laws. The responsibility for operational modalities rests with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which applies the law within its administrative and technical capacity. By leaving room for INEC to determine timing and modalities of transmission, the Act reflects a respect for institutional boundaries. Akpabio’s defense of this approach underscores his insistence that Parliament legislate for posterity, not for transient political advantage.
At the State House signing ceremony, President Tinubu reinforced this institutional clarity. He observed that Nigeria’s elections remain “essentially manual.” Ballots are cast manually, counted manually, and declared by human beings. While electronic viewing enhances transparency, the core process remains human-centered. Tinubu’s caution about broadband readiness and cyber vulnerabilities echoes Akpabio’s reasoning. Together, their statements project a governance philosophy that privileges clarity and feasibility over performative reform.
Perhaps the most celebrated innovation in the new Act is the formal legal recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) result viewer, commonly referred to as IReV. This recognition represents a significant milestone. For the first time since independence in 1960, electronic viewing of polling unit results is explicitly grounded in statutory authority. Under the amended framework, results transmitted electronically—even if delayed due to connectivity issues—must ultimately reflect on the IReV portal once network is restored. This creates a verifiable digital trail that citizens, observers, and parties can scrutinize and interrogate.
Akpabio described this as a landmark safeguard against a historic problem: tampering between polling units and collation centres. By ensuring that Form EC8A—the primary polling unit result form signed by presiding officers and party agents—feeds into a publicly accessible portal, the law strengthens accountability without discarding manual collation procedures validated by courts.
The Supreme Court’s pronouncements in post-2023 election litigation had clarified that IReV, as previously configured, was not the definitive legal record of results. Rather than ignore this judicial interpretation, the legislature responded by integrating electronic viewing into statutory text while preserving the evidentiary primacy of signed result forms. This harmonization of law and jurisprudence illustrates legislative maturity.
Critics, including the opposition parties, alleged that the Act’s signing reflected partisan fear. Civil society voices such as Yiaga Africa described the reform as incremental where transformation was needed. Yet even among critics, a pragmatic thread emerged.
The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre and the Transition Monitoring Group urged acceptance of the law while focusing attention on demanding credible conduct from INEC. This convergence suggests that while disagreements persist about optimal reform design, there is recognition that institutional strengthening is iterative.
Akpabio’s stance during earlier debates further illuminates his approach. On February 8, at a public presentation of Senator Effiong Bob’s book in Abuja, he cautioned against hasty conclusions about an amendment process still underway. His insistence that commentators wait until Votes and Proceedings were finalized before passing judgment reflects a proceduralist ethos.
Legislative drafting is iterative. Clauses are debated, amended, harmonized between chambers, and only then crystallized into final text. By defending this process against what he termed premature media trials, Akpabio positioned himself as a guardian of institutional integrity.
His critique of “retreat politics” is equally telling. Consultative retreats, he argued, are valuable but not binding. Final authority rests on the Senate floor, where clauses are debated and voted upon. This distinction reinforces parliamentary sovereignty within Nigeria’s constitutional framework. It also shows a deeper democratic principle: advocacy informs lawmaking, but elected representatives deliberate and decide.
Another noteworthy provision in the amended Act concerns internal party democracy. By empowering party members to vote directly for candidates during primaries, the law dilutes the dominance of small delegate blocs. In theory, this broadens participation, reduces transactional politics, and enhances legitimacy. Akpabio’s highlighting of this reform signals an understanding that electoral integrity begins within parties, not merely at polling units.
The Act also addresses scenarios where leading candidates are disqualified by courts. By mandating fresh elections in such circumstances, it prevents outcomes where significantly lower-polling candidates assume office by default. This provision closes a loophole that had generated controversy in past cycles. In doing so, the legislature strengthens the moral authority of electoral outcomes.
The reduction of statutory notice for elections from 360 days to 300 days, may appear technical but carries practical implications. It allows scheduling flexibility, including the possibility of avoiding sensitive religious periods such as Ramadan and Lent. This demonstrates legislative sensitivity to socio-cultural realities—a recurring theme in Akpabio’s rhetoric about Nigeria’s peculiarities.
Opposition criticisms deserve engagement. The PDP characterized the signing as hurried and partisan. Yet the legislative timeline reflects deliberation across chambers, conference committee harmonization, and eventual executive assent. Moreover, the principle of the legislative-executive cooperation is intrinsic to constitutional governance. The swift assent by President Tinubu can be interpreted not as haste but as responsiveness to parliamentary consensus.
Support from figures like Nyesom Wike reinforces the perception that the reform commands cross-sectional backing within the governing architecture. Wike’s description of democracy as a “work-in-progress” aligns with Akpabio’s incrementalist philosophy. Reform, in this view, is evolutionary rather than revolutionary.
Central to Akpabio’s defense is the rejection of absolutism. Mandating real-time electronic transmission in a context of infrastructural fragility could render entire states’ results vulnerable to nullification due to network outages. He invoked comparative examples, including electoral disputes in advanced democracies, to illustrate that even technologically sophisticated systems encounter anomalies. The lesson he draws is humility: laws must anticipate worst-case scenarios.
This caution is not synonymous with conservatism. By embedding IReV recognition in statute, the Act advances transparency beyond previous frameworks. It creates a hybrid model—manual voting and collation complemented by electronic visibility. Such hybridity may represent a uniquely Nigerian pathway, blending global best practices with domestic constraints.
Akpabio’s rhetorical framing—distinguishing “noise” from lawmaking—has attracted attention. While critics may interpret it as dismissive, it also speaks to a tension in contemporary democracies: the amplification of vocal minorities through media ecosystems. Legislative legitimacy, however, derives from electoral mandate and constitutional procedure. By emphasizing the “generality of Nigerians,” Akpabio situates himself within a majoritarian democratic theory tempered by rule of law.
The question of disenfranchisement further illuminates his position. If technological failure in insecure or rural areas invalidated results, marginalized communities could bear disproportionate impact. By allowing delayed electronic uploads once connectivity is restored, the Act seeks to reconcile inclusivity with transparency. This compromise reflects distributive sensitivity.
In evaluating Akpabio’s stewardship, one must also consider his broader legislative philosophy. He repeatedly asserts that laws must outlast individuals. This intergenerational perspective discourages tailoring statutes to immediate partisan contests. Whether one agrees with every clause, the emphasis on durability highlights a statesmanlike orientation.
The reactions from civil society, though critical, implicitly acknowledge the dynamic nature of reform. Calls to continue advocating improvements indicate that the 2026 Act is part of an ongoing process. Akpabio himself has stated that doors remain open. This openness suggests confidence rather than defensiveness.
Ultimately, the measure of electoral reform lies not only in statutory text but in implementation. INEC’s capacity, political party behavior, judicial adjudication, and citizen vigilance will shape outcomes. Yet legislation provides the framework within which these actors operate. By integrating electronic viewing, clarifying collation hierarchies, strengthening internal party democracy, and closing disqualification loopholes, the National Assembly has recalibrated that framework.
In positioning Akpabio in a favorable light, it is important to avoid hagiography. Democratic leadership entails contestation. However, his consistent themes—respect for process, infrastructural realism, institutional boundaries, and posterity—form a coherent narrative. Rather than capitulate to populist maximalism or resist reform altogether, he charted a middle course.
Nigeria’s democracy, like many across the globe, navigates between aspiration and capacity. Technological for determinism offers seductive simplicity; constitutional prudence demands complexity. In the crucible of electoral reform, Akpabio has presented himself as a custodian of that prudence. Whether history ultimately vindicates every provision of the 2026 Act will depend on future elections. But as of its enactment, the legislative record reflects a deliberate attempt to harmonize innovation with stability.
The broader democratic project requires precisely this balance. Transparency without feasibility breeds litigation. Feasibility without transparency breeds distrust. By embedding electronic visibility within a manual backbone, the Act seeks equilibrium. In championing this architecture, Akpabio aligns himself with a vision of reform that is incremental yet substantive, cautious yet forward-moving.
As Nigeria approaches future electoral cycles, the real test will be whether citizens experience greater confidence, fewer disputes, and clearer outcomes. Should that occur, the painstaking deliberations defended by the Senate President may be remembered not as noise, but as necessary groundwork. In that sense, Akpabio’s insistence that lawmaking differ from clamor may prove less a rebuke than a reminder: democracy flourishes not only through passion, but through patient construction of rules capable of enduring the storms of politics. Nigeria’s Electoral Future shall have Senator Godswill Akpabio positively mentioned in its repository.
Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr
Special Adviser on Media/Publicity and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate
By George Mgbeleke
The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) expresses profound concern and outrage over reports that candidates sitting for the ongoing West African Senior School Certificate Examination (WASSCE) are once again being compelled to write examinations late into the night due to administrative failures and logistical lapses by the West African Examinations Council (WAEC).
The disturbing reports that students in several examination centres across Nigeria were forced to remain in schools until 10 p.m. and beyond to write crucial examination papers amount to a grave violation of the rights and welfare of Nigerian children.
HURIWA recalls that similar incidents occurred during previous examination exercises, raising serious questions about whether any lessons were learned or corrective measures implemented by the examination body.
It is unacceptable that thousands of young Nigerians, many of whom are minors, are subjected to avoidable physical stress, psychological trauma, insecurity and health risks because of institutional inefficiency.
The right to education does not exist in isolation from other fundamental rights. Every Nigerian child has a right to dignity, security and protection from circumstances that expose them to danger. Forcing students to sit for examinations at night, often after waiting for several hours without certainty, places them at considerable risk and undermines the integrity of the examination process.
The safety implications are particularly troubling. Nigeria is currently battling widespread insecurity, including kidnapping, violent crime and other threats. It is therefore irresponsible and reckless for any institution to create conditions that compel students, teachers and parents to travel late at night after examination exercises.
Beyond the security concerns, educational experts have consistently maintained that prolonged waiting periods and mental exhaustion negatively affect students’ concentration, performance and overall well-being. A candidate who arrives at a centre prepared to write an examination in the afternoon but is compelled to sit for the same paper several hours later cannot reasonably be expected to perform at his or her optimum level.
HURIWA therefore calls on WAEC to immediately provide a comprehensive public explanation regarding the circumstances that led to these recurring delays and to outline concrete measures being implemented to prevent future occurrences.
The Federal Ministry of Education must also institute an independent inquiry into the repeated logistical failures associated with the conduct of WASSCE examinations in Nigeria. Where negligence or incompetence is established, appropriate sanctions should be imposed.
Furthermore, HURIWA urges the National Assembly Committees on Education to summon relevant officials of WAEC to explain why Nigerian students continue to experience avoidable disruptions that compromise both their safety and academic performance.
The future of Nigerian children must never be sacrificed on the altar of administrative inefficiency. Educational institutions exist to support and protect students, not to expose them to unnecessary hardship and danger.
HURIWA stands firmly with parents, teachers and students who have demanded accountability and immediate reforms in the conduct of public examinations across the country.
Opinion
HURIWA Hails Death Sentence on Owo Church Killers, Calls for Similar Punishment for Kidnappers and Terrorists Nationwide*
By George Mgbeleke
Prominent pro-democracy and civil rights advocacy group Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has welcomed the judgment of the Federal High Court in Abuja sentencing four terrorists to death for their involvement in the gruesome attack on St. Francis Catholic Church, Owo, Ondo State, in which dozens of innocent worshippers were massacred during a church service in June 2022.
HURIWA in a statement signed by its National Coordinator, Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko describes the verdict as a landmark victory for justice, a triumph for the rule of law, and a strong message that those who engage in terrorism and mass murder will ultimately face the full weight of the law.
The leading human rights advocacy group HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA) commends Justice Emeka Nwite for delivering a courageous and painstaking judgment based on overwhelming evidence presented before the court. The judgment has restored public confidence in the justice system and provided a measure of closure to the families of the victims whose lives were brutally cut short by agents of terror. We in HURIWA express our view that the appeals arising from this judgment should witness a very rapid hearing and determination by both the Appellate court and the court of last resort the Supreme Court of Nigeria. We are of the view that this matter must be determined within three months just as the governor of Ondo State should sign their death warrants so their public execution is carried out without delay.”
HURIWA specifically applauds the Department of State Services (DSS) for its professionalism, persistence and intelligence-driven operations that led to the arrest, investigation and successful prosecution of the terrorists. The successful conviction demonstrates what can be achieved when patriotic, competent and committed Nigerians are entrusted with the leadership of strategic security institutions.
This milestone should encourage security agencies across the country to intensify efforts towards dismantling terrorist networks, kidnapping syndicates and violent criminal gangs that continue to threaten national security.
The Rights group further calls on the judiciary to impose similar stringent punishments on convicted kidnappers, terrorists and mass murderers across Nigeria. The growing menace of kidnapping for ransom and terrorism has inflicted untold pain on millions of Nigerians and should attract the highest penalties permitted by law to serve as a deterrent.
HURIWA notes that the Owo judgment stands in sharp contrast to what many Nigerians viewed as a disappointingly lenient disposition towards the mastermind of the bombing of the Catholic Church in Zuba, Abuja, during the administration of former President Muhammadu Buhari. That controversial outcome left many citizens questioning the nation’s commitment to justice and accountability in terrorism-related offences.
The rights group recalls that under the previous administration, several high-profile terrorism cases generated public outrage because of perceptions that perpetrators were not adequately punished despite the gravity of their crimes. The latest judgment therefore marks a welcome departure from that troubling trend and signals a renewed determination by the Nigerian state to confront terrorism decisively.
HURIWA urges President Bola Ahmed Tinubu to continue supporting security agencies and the judiciary in the fight against terrorism and violent extremism. The association also calls on relevant authorities to ensure that all legal procedures required to give effect to the judgment are pursued diligently.
The message from the Owo judgment must be clear and unmistakable: Nigeria must never become a safe haven for terrorists, kidnappers and mass murderers. Those who shed innocent blood must know that justice will catch up with them, no matter how long it takes.
By Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko
Since the administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu kickstarted, it has been characterized by a major flaw: its incapacity and inability to substantially curb the fast rising terror attacks on schools and communities just as these attacks have been very bloody with thousands of casualties left on their trails.
This year 2026, has seen some of the most heart-rending, most painful, traumatic and vexatious terrorist attacks on the very soft targets of schools whereby the well-armed terrorists kidnapped hundreds of children and took them into the bushes and then wait to open up negotiations with government officials.
These rash of bloody violence have been unleashed in Borno, Yobe, Kebbi, Sokoto, Plateau, Kaduna and most recently in Oyo.
By the last count, over a thousand school children have been whisked away into the dreaded forests by these terrorists armed with the deadliest of sophisticated military grade weapons.
The children taken away from their schools in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State, were videoed by their heartless captors whereby they were subjected to all kinds of indignities and torture of the most gruesome and beastial genres.
The headmaster of one of the schools kidnapped by the terrorists was shown on video being decapitated by the Islamists.
The speaker of the Oyo State House of Assembly revealed that the terrorists demanded that the legislative House makes a law to concede some portions of the state to them even when they are strange Fulanis. The terrorists also made financial demands. In one of the previous hostage situations, it was later revealed that the terrorists were paid with billions of Naira in foreign denominated currency conveyed to their hideouts allegedly in helicopter by the government intermediary.
Tinubu’s administration through the office of the National Security Adviser Nuhu Ribadu stridently denied and debunked the claims which circulated even in international media. Comically, the terrorists have advanced their trade to include posting live videos on tiktok and Facebook and recently, a video circulated showing hundreds of millions of Naira the terrorists collected as ransom to free some of their captives and the Fulani terrorist was heard speaking in poor Hausa language saying that they are swimming in hundreds of millions of money. Whilst the terrorists smile amidst what they consider as good turnovers, the victims and their families wail and are forced to sell off their priced assets just to secure the release of their children and the president and his administration are absent and inactive in all of these. So you now see why Nigerians are angry with the present government at the centre.
Above all else, Nigerians are aggrieved with the Federal government for not displaying enough empathy each time these terrorists attacked communities or schools and the citizens said they are disappointed with these tactless and unsympathetic commentaries emanating especially from President Bola Ahmed Tinubu whenever citizens are hauled into the forests by terrorists. Even when these reactions sound sympathetic, citizens demands accountability from the government by way of decisively crushing the terrorists and not just to engage in mere meaningless political rhetoric.
The position of the majority of Nigerians demanding expressions of profound empathy by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is justifiable and this writer will in the subsequent lines of this piece articulate and show a compilation of ten of such unsympathetic and insensitive comments made by President Tinubu following these kidnappings and violence by terrorists unleashed on the citizens.
10 Reactions of President Tinubu to Terrorist Attacks | May 2023 – May 2026:
Woro Village, Kwara State – June 2023
Attack: Gunmen killed up to 162 people, burned shops + traditional ruler’s home. Tinubu blamed Boko Haram jihadists
Reaction: Condemned the “beastly attack” against villagers who rejected jihadists’ ideology. Ordered an army battalion to secure the area. Said he was “enraged that the attackers killed community members who rejected their obnoxious attempt at indoctrination”
Source: Standard Media; Presidency statement
Plateau State Communities – Dec 2023/Jan 2024
Attack: “Mindless gunmen” attacked Ruwi, Hurti, Tadai, Manguna, Dafo villages in Bokkos LGA
Reaction: Vowed “severe punishment under the law”. Directed security agencies to hunt down attackers. Said “intermittent attacks should have no place… we will work harder to exterminate forces of evil”. Directed NEMA to provide relief
Source: State House Abuja
Niger State – Kasuwan Daji, Demo Village – Dec 2024
Attack: Bandits killed over 30 people, burnt market, abducted women/children
Reaction: “These terrorists have tested the resolve of our country… They must face the full consequences… No matter who they are… they must be hunted down”. Sent condolences + mandated security to intensify operations near forests
Source: AllAfrica; THISDAY.
Benisheikh, Borno State – April 9, 2026
Attack: ISWAP attacked 3 military bases in Pulka, Mungono, Benisheikh. Commanding officer Brig-Gen Oseni Braimah + soldiers killed
Reaction: Expressed “deep sorrow” over fallen troops, called them “unforgettable heroes”. Said insurgents’ counterattack shows “desperation”. Urged troops: “Do not lose heart, do not be weary… Our resolve to defeat terrorism is stronger than ever”
Source: AllAfrica; Premium Times; TheStar
Maiduguri, Borno State – March 17, 2026
Attack: Coordinated suicide bombings hit hospital, market, post office. 23+ killed
Reaction: “I mourn those who lost their lives… These acts of terror are the final desperate attempts by criminals… There is no place in Nigeria where terrorists will find safety. We will locate them, confront them, and completely defeat them. Nigeria will not succumb to fear”. Directed security chiefs to move to Maiduguri + emergency agencies to care for injured
Source: State House Abuja
Ngoshe, Gwoza LGA, Borno – March 6, 2026
Attack: Boko Haram attacked Ngoshe community. Military + civilians killed, some in friendly fire
Reaction: “Heartfelt condolences to families… attack is a heartless assault on hapless citizens”. Urged Borno residents “not to succumb to fear”. Commended military for killing scores of terrorists. Directed armed forces to “intensify efforts to protect civilians… prevent attacks on military installations”
Source: State House Abuja; Channels TV; Voice of Nigeria
Angwan Rukuba, Jos North, Plateau – April 2, 2026
Attack: Suspected bandits attacked bar, 28 people died. Viral video of woman with son’s body
Reaction: Consoled families in Jos: “There is nothing I can give you, whether money in billions… but console you and promise you that this experience will not repeat itself… The best solution is for justice to be done”. Directed security to “unearth and find the killers” + install cameras
Source: TheCable; The Nation
Kahir Village, Kagarko LGA, Kaduna – April 2026
Attack: Wedding guests killed/abducted
Reaction: Condemned both Jos + Kahir attacks as “barbaric and cowardly”, vowed perpetrators “would be brought to justice”. “Anyone who will sneak under cover of night and kill defenceless citizens… is a heartless coward”
Source: The Nation
Borno Military Formation – General Borno attack 2025/2026
Attack: Repeated coordinated attacks on military positions in Borno
Reaction: Commended “courage and fighting spirit of our patriotic troops who successfully repelled coordinated attacks”. “The Monday attacks were desperate acts of evil-minded terrorist groups. Our gallant military will curtail and put them down”
Source: State House Abuja
General Counter-Terrorism Stance – 2024 Summit
Context: No specific attack, but major policy statement
Reaction: At African counter-terrorism summit, Tinubu said “May we do everything required to defeat this challenge so that… historians will discuss how today became a major turning point in Africa’s defeat of terrorist scourge”. Noted Nigeria is “dealing decisively with drivers of violent extremism, resumed prosecution of Boko Haram suspects”
Source: State House Abuja.
What I can get from all of these reactions which at best represent motion without movement just like the barber’s chair is the famous phrase spoken by Macbeth in Act 5, Scene 5 after he learned that his wife, Lady Macbeth had died. His quote which also graphically demonstrates the lack of political will by President Tinubu to solve the persistent attacks by terrorists, goes thus: “Life’s but a walking shadow, a poor player that struts and frets his hour upon the stage and then is heard no more: it is a tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing”.
These Reaction of President Tinubu to Terrorists attacks nationwide without following them up with actions to decimate these terrorists are full of sound and fury, signifying nothing really for the citizens who are facing horrendous violence of these terrorists that have appeared as if they are stronger than the Nigerian government. So, are these terrorists stronger than the current federal administration? Your guess is as good as mine.
*EMMANUEL NNADOZIE ONWUBIKO, is the founder of HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA AND WAS NATIONAL COMMISSIONER OF THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF NIGERIA.
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