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How Akpabio’s Leadership Secured Nigeria’s Electoral Future* *

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President of the Senate, Godswill Akpabio

By Rt.Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr

In the evolving story of Nigeria’s democratic consolidation, few issues have provoked as much intensity as electoral reform. The signing into law of the Electoral Act (Repeal and Re-enactment) Bill 2026 by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marked another chapter in this journey, drawing applause, skepticism, and fierce debate in equal measure.

At the centre of this moment stands Godswill Akpabio, President of the Senate, who has consistently articulated a position that blends institutional caution with reformist intent. His assertion that the National Assembly met “the aspirations of Nigerians, not a few people who make noise” reflects not merely rhetorical flourish, but a deeper philosophy of lawmaking anchored in constitutionalism, legislative procedure, and national peculiarities.

To understand Akpabio’s positioning, one must situate the reform within Nigeria’s broader democratic trajectory. Since the country’s return to civilian rule in 1999, electoral reforms have often oscillated between technological optimism and structural reality. The 2026 re-enactment does not discard innovation; rather, it recalibrates it. In defending the new Act, Akpabio emphasized that the National Assembly undertook a “painstaking” and “thorough” process, mindful of the country’s infrastructural limitations, judicial precedents, and the ultimate objective of preventing disenfranchisement.

A key flashpoint in the debate was the question of electronic transmission of results. For many reform advocates, real-time electronic transmission became symbolic of transparency. Yet Akpabio’s argument was not against technology; it was against rigidity detached from capacity. He consistently maintained that technology must serve democracy, not endanger it. In a country where broadband penetration is uneven, where insecurity disrupts network infrastructure across multiple states, and where power supply remains inconsistent, embedding inflexible “real-time” mandates into statute could, in his view, expose elections to avoidable litigations and invalidation.

This perspective aligns with the constitutional role of the legislature. The Senate does not conduct elections; it makes laws. The responsibility for operational modalities rests with the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), which applies the law within its administrative and technical capacity. By leaving room for INEC to determine timing and modalities of transmission, the Act reflects a respect for institutional boundaries. Akpabio’s defense of this approach underscores his insistence that Parliament legislate for posterity, not for transient political advantage.

At the State House signing ceremony, President Tinubu reinforced this institutional clarity. He observed that Nigeria’s elections remain “essentially manual.” Ballots are cast manually, counted manually, and declared by human beings. While electronic viewing enhances transparency, the core process remains human-centered. Tinubu’s caution about broadband readiness and cyber vulnerabilities echoes Akpabio’s reasoning. Together, their statements project a governance philosophy that privileges clarity and feasibility over performative reform.

Perhaps the most celebrated innovation in the new Act is the formal legal recognition of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) result viewer, commonly referred to as IReV. This recognition represents a significant milestone. For the first time since independence in 1960, electronic viewing of polling unit results is explicitly grounded in statutory authority. Under the amended framework, results transmitted electronically—even if delayed due to connectivity issues—must ultimately reflect on the IReV portal once network is restored. This creates a verifiable digital trail that citizens, observers, and parties can scrutinize and interrogate.

Akpabio described this as a landmark safeguard against a historic problem: tampering between polling units and collation centres. By ensuring that Form EC8A—the primary polling unit result form signed by presiding officers and party agents—feeds into a publicly accessible portal, the law strengthens accountability without discarding manual collation procedures validated by courts.

The Supreme Court’s pronouncements in post-2023 election litigation had clarified that IReV, as previously configured, was not the definitive legal record of results. Rather than ignore this judicial interpretation, the legislature responded by integrating electronic viewing into statutory text while preserving the evidentiary primacy of signed result forms. This harmonization of law and jurisprudence illustrates legislative maturity.

Critics, including the opposition parties, alleged that the Act’s signing reflected partisan fear. Civil society voices such as Yiaga Africa described the reform as incremental where transformation was needed. Yet even among critics, a pragmatic thread emerged.

The Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre and the Transition Monitoring Group urged acceptance of the law while focusing attention on demanding credible conduct from INEC. This convergence suggests that while disagreements persist about optimal reform design, there is recognition that institutional strengthening is iterative.

Akpabio’s stance during earlier debates further illuminates his approach. On February 8, at a public presentation of Senator Effiong Bob’s book in Abuja, he cautioned against hasty conclusions about an amendment process still underway. His insistence that commentators wait until Votes and Proceedings were finalized before passing judgment reflects a proceduralist ethos.

Legislative drafting is iterative. Clauses are debated, amended, harmonized between chambers, and only then crystallized into final text. By defending this process against what he termed premature media trials, Akpabio positioned himself as a guardian of institutional integrity.

His critique of “retreat politics” is equally telling. Consultative retreats, he argued, are valuable but not binding. Final authority rests on the Senate floor, where clauses are debated and voted upon. This distinction reinforces parliamentary sovereignty within Nigeria’s constitutional framework. It also shows a deeper democratic principle: advocacy informs lawmaking, but elected representatives deliberate and decide.

Another noteworthy provision in the amended Act concerns internal party democracy. By empowering party members to vote directly for candidates during primaries, the law dilutes the dominance of small delegate blocs. In theory, this broadens participation, reduces transactional politics, and enhances legitimacy. Akpabio’s highlighting of this reform signals an understanding that electoral integrity begins within parties, not merely at polling units.

The Act also addresses scenarios where leading candidates are disqualified by courts. By mandating fresh elections in such circumstances, it prevents outcomes where significantly lower-polling candidates assume office by default. This provision closes a loophole that had generated controversy in past cycles. In doing so, the legislature strengthens the moral authority of electoral outcomes.

The reduction of statutory notice for elections from 360 days to 300 days, may appear technical but carries practical implications. It allows scheduling flexibility, including the possibility of avoiding sensitive religious periods such as Ramadan and Lent. This demonstrates legislative sensitivity to socio-cultural realities—a recurring theme in Akpabio’s rhetoric about Nigeria’s peculiarities.

Opposition criticisms deserve engagement. The PDP characterized the signing as hurried and partisan. Yet the legislative timeline reflects deliberation across chambers, conference committee harmonization, and eventual executive assent. Moreover, the principle of the legislative-executive cooperation is intrinsic to constitutional governance. The swift assent by President Tinubu can be interpreted not as haste but as responsiveness to parliamentary consensus.

Support from figures like Nyesom Wike reinforces the perception that the reform commands cross-sectional backing within the governing architecture. Wike’s description of democracy as a “work-in-progress” aligns with Akpabio’s incrementalist philosophy. Reform, in this view, is evolutionary rather than revolutionary.

Central to Akpabio’s defense is the rejection of absolutism. Mandating real-time electronic transmission in a context of infrastructural fragility could render entire states’ results vulnerable to nullification due to network outages. He invoked comparative examples, including electoral disputes in advanced democracies, to illustrate that even technologically sophisticated systems encounter anomalies. The lesson he draws is humility: laws must anticipate worst-case scenarios.

This caution is not synonymous with conservatism. By embedding IReV recognition in statute, the Act advances transparency beyond previous frameworks. It creates a hybrid model—manual voting and collation complemented by electronic visibility. Such hybridity may represent a uniquely Nigerian pathway, blending global best practices with domestic constraints.

Akpabio’s rhetorical framing—distinguishing “noise” from lawmaking—has attracted attention. While critics may interpret it as dismissive, it also speaks to a tension in contemporary democracies: the amplification of vocal minorities through media ecosystems. Legislative legitimacy, however, derives from electoral mandate and constitutional procedure. By emphasizing the “generality of Nigerians,” Akpabio situates himself within a majoritarian democratic theory tempered by rule of law.

The question of disenfranchisement further illuminates his position. If technological failure in insecure or rural areas invalidated results, marginalized communities could bear disproportionate impact. By allowing delayed electronic uploads once connectivity is restored, the Act seeks to reconcile inclusivity with transparency. This compromise reflects distributive sensitivity.

In evaluating Akpabio’s stewardship, one must also consider his broader legislative philosophy. He repeatedly asserts that laws must outlast individuals. This intergenerational perspective discourages tailoring statutes to immediate partisan contests. Whether one agrees with every clause, the emphasis on durability highlights a statesmanlike orientation.

The reactions from civil society, though critical, implicitly acknowledge the dynamic nature of reform. Calls to continue advocating improvements indicate that the 2026 Act is part of an ongoing process. Akpabio himself has stated that doors remain open. This openness suggests confidence rather than defensiveness.

Ultimately, the measure of electoral reform lies not only in statutory text but in implementation. INEC’s capacity, political party behavior, judicial adjudication, and citizen vigilance will shape outcomes. Yet legislation provides the framework within which these actors operate. By integrating electronic viewing, clarifying collation hierarchies, strengthening internal party democracy, and closing disqualification loopholes, the National Assembly has recalibrated that framework.

In positioning Akpabio in a favorable light, it is important to avoid hagiography. Democratic leadership entails contestation. However, his consistent themes—respect for process, infrastructural realism, institutional boundaries, and posterity—form a coherent narrative. Rather than capitulate to populist maximalism or resist reform altogether, he charted a middle course.

Nigeria’s democracy, like many across the globe, navigates between aspiration and capacity. Technological for determinism offers seductive simplicity; constitutional prudence demands complexity. In the crucible of electoral reform, Akpabio has presented himself as a custodian of that prudence. Whether history ultimately vindicates every provision of the 2026 Act will depend on future elections. But as of its enactment, the legislative record reflects a deliberate attempt to harmonize innovation with stability.

The broader democratic project requires precisely this balance. Transparency without feasibility breeds litigation. Feasibility without transparency breeds distrust. By embedding electronic visibility within a manual backbone, the Act seeks equilibrium. In championing this architecture, Akpabio aligns himself with a vision of reform that is incremental yet substantive, cautious yet forward-moving.

As Nigeria approaches future electoral cycles, the real test will be whether citizens experience greater confidence, fewer disputes, and clearer outcomes. Should that occur, the painstaking deliberations defended by the Senate President may be remembered not as noise, but as necessary groundwork. In that sense, Akpabio’s insistence that lawmaking differ from clamor may prove less a rebuke than a reminder: democracy flourishes not only through passion, but through patient construction of rules capable of enduring the storms of politics. Nigeria’s Electoral Future shall have Senator Godswill Akpabio positively mentioned in its repository.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr
Special Adviser on Media/Publicity and official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate

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Opinion

Persistent Killings in Plateau and Benue: HURIWA Condemns Leadership Failures, Demands Urgent Action

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National Coordinator HURIWA, Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko

By George Mgbeleke

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) expresses grave outrage and deep concern over the persistent and escalating killings in Plateau and Benue States, allegedly perpetrated by armed Fulani terrorist groups, which continue to claim innocent lives and displace vulnerable communities.
These repeated attacks, marked by brutality and impunity, have exposed a dangerous pattern of weak response, policy failure, and troubling silence from both the Plateau and Benue State governments. The inability—or unwillingness—of state authorities to decisively confront these atrocities has emboldened perpetrators and left citizens defenceless.
HURIWA strongly condemns the posture of the Benue State Government, particularly the earlier dismissal of claims of genocide, even in the face of mounting local and international concerns. It is deeply troubling that while credible international observers, including a visiting United States Congressional delegation, reportedly raised alarms over targeted attacks on predominantly Christian communities in parts of Northern Nigeria, the state government chose a path of denial rather than decisive action.
Equally disturbing is the situation in Plateau State, where the governor has publicly acknowledged that several rural communities are effectively under the control or occupation of armed groups, yet no commensurate action has been taken to reclaim these territories or ensure the safe return of displaced residents. Such admissions, without corresponding security measures, amount to an abdication of the fundamental duty of government—to protect lives and property.
HURIWA notes with alarm that these killings have continued unabated since the inauguration of the current federal administration, with numerous communities in both Plateau and Benue States suffering repeated attacks, mass casualties, and widespread displacement. These tragic incidents must not be normalised, ignored, or swept under the carpet of political convenience or bureaucratic inertia.
The association insists that the continued loss of lives in these states reflects not just a security failure, but a moral crisis in governance.
HURIWA therefore demands the following immediate actions:
Arrest and Prosecution:
Security agencies must urgently identify, arrest, and prosecute all individuals and groups responsible for these attacks. There must be no sacred cows.
Recovery of Occupied Communities:
The Federal Government, in collaboration with state authorities, must deploy adequate security forces to reclaim all communities reportedly under the control of armed groups and restore lawful authority.
Enhanced Security Presence:
There must be sustained and intelligence-driven security operations in vulnerable areas, including the establishment of rapid response units to prevent further attacks.
Transparent Accountability:
Both Plateau and Benue State governments must provide clear, consistent, and truthful briefings to the public on security developments, rather than contradictory or politically motivated statements.
Victim Support and Rehabilitation:
Immediate humanitarian assistance, compensation, and resettlement plans must be provided for victims and displaced persons.
National Security Strategy Review:
The Federal Government must urgently review and strengthen its overall security architecture to address the root causes of these recurring attacks and prevent further escalation.
HURIWA warns that continued inaction or inadequate response risks deepening public distrust, fuelling cycles of violence, and undermining national unity.
Nigeria cannot afford a situation where citizens are abandoned to their fate while armed groups operate with impunity. The sanctity of human life must be upheld, and justice must not only be done but seen to be done.
These killings must never be forgotten, ignored, or trivialised. The time for decisive action is now

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Killing of General Braimoh, many soldiers by Boko Haram terrorists should be investigated: HURIWA

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By George Mgbeleke

Even as the Borno State Governor, Professor Babagana Zulum, has revealed that security forces had prior intelligence about the recent terrorist attack on the 15 Task Force Brigade in Benisheikh, Kaga Local Government Area, three days before it occurred, a call for independent investigation by a judicial commission of inquiry has been advocated by the HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA).

In a statement by National Coordinator of HURIWA,Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu should immediately constitute an independent investigation by selected panelists drawn from the Supreme Court, Court of Appeal, Civil rights organisations and security experts to constitute the 7-man investigative team to uncover the remote and immediate circumstances that made the Defence Headquarters to fail to put preemptive mechanisms in place using the credible intelligence of an imminent attacks by Islamic terrorists to prevent the massacre of soldiers and civilians. HURIWA said it is treason for the Army headquarters and Defence Headquarters to allow their officers at the frontlines to be killed even when the attacks by the terrorists could have been prevented.

HURIWA said by now, heads should have rolled such as the sack of the Chief of Defence Staff and the CHIEF OF Army Staff for alleged incompetence and failures to prevent the costly attack that brought international shame on Nigeria.

“We suspect an insider conspiratorial plots between military officers embedded within the Nigeria Army and elements of the boko haram terrorists and ISWAP for the failure of the huerarchy of the defence headquarters to effectively put preemptive mechanisms in place to prevent the invasion of the military facility in Borno state.

“President Bola Tinubu should stop his sermonisation over the constant overrunning of military infrastructures by Islamic terrorists and order comprehensive independent investigation to be handled by a high powered judicial panelists to be led by the Chief Justice of Nigeria, judges of the Federal High Court and retired Supreme Court and Court of Appeal justices and members of the organised civil rights bodies such as Mr. Femi Falana(SAN).

“For dozens of times, the military headquarters in Abuja has spectacularly failed to save the lives of soldiers in the line of fire even when there is credible intelligence about imminent attacks. The officers who treated the intelligence with Kid gloves should be named and Court Marshalled because the offence of deliberately allowing ISWAP and boko haram terrorists to successfully launch attacks on civilians and military infrastructures even when there is prior intelligence amounts to high treason.

“Those officers should be prosecuted under the counter terrorism Act of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. The other time it was the Girls boarding school in Kebbi State whereby Islamic terrorists were allowed to invade the school and abduct dozens of girls from their dormitory after soldiers were withdrawn from the town just few hours before the insurgents struck showing that these are insiders jobs. Boko haram terrorists and ISWAP have infiltrated the Nigerian Army and the Defence Headquarters.”

HURIWA recalled that the Borno state governor made the disclosure at the weekend during a sympathy visit to the town, following the deadly assault that claimed the life of the Brigade Commander, Brigadier General O.O. Braimoh, along with several soldiers and civilians.

The attack, which took place in the early hours of Friday, targeted both the military formation and parts of the town, underscoring the persistent threat posed by insurgents in the North-east despite sustained counter-insurgency operations by Nigerian troops.

Describing the incident as shocking and deeply troubling, Zulum condemned the assault and called for an urgent review of military strategies to forestall similar occurrences.

“This is one of the most surprising attacks that I have witnessed in recent times,” the governor said. “Credible intelligence about the impending attack had been available for approximately three days, and there is a need to reassess our security architecture to address emerging threats more effectively.”

the military formation, prompting concerns about the circumstances that allowed the attackers to strike despite prior warnings.

During his visit, Zulum questioned local authorities about their awareness of the intelligence. The chairman of the local government confirmed that such reports had indeed been received, a development that prompted the governor to lament the lapse that enabled the attack to proceed.

Benisheikh, located along the strategic Maiduguri–Damaturu highway, serves as the headquarters of Kaga Local Government Area and has long been a critical military and logistical hub in the fight against Boko Haram.

The town has witnessed several insurgent attacks since the early years of the conflict, including a devastating assault in 2013 that resulted in heavy casualties and widespread destruction.

Although improved security measures and sustained military operations have restored relative calm in recent years, sporadic attacks continue to highlight the resilience of insurgent groups operating in the Lake Chad Basin.

Zulum emphasised the need for enhanced intelligence coordination, vigilance, and proactive measures to safeguard both military installations and civilian populations.

He assured troops of the Borno State Government’s continued support in their efforts to protect lives and property, reiterating his administration’s commitment to strengthening local security structures.

“We will continue to support the Armed Forces and other security agencies. Our administration will also enhance the resilience of local vigilantes, security personnel, and affected communities to ensure that Benisheikh does not fall into the hands of Boko Haram,” he stated.

The governor also extended condolences to the families of the fallen soldiers and prayed for the repose of their souls, describing their sacrifices as a testament to their patriotism and dedication to national security.

The Benisheikh attack has once again drawn national attention to the fragile security situation in Nigeria’s North-east and the urgent need for sustained collaboration among the military, government, and local communities to defeat insurgency in the region.

HURIWA described the fact that the Defence Headquarters got the intelligence of the attack three days prior to it as sabotage and high treason just as the Rights group called for the immediate dismissal of the chief of Defence Staff abd the Chief of Army Staff for the military’s crass irresponsibility and failures to prevent the attacks.

HURIWA recalled that Islamist militant groups Boko Haram and Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP) launched coordinated overnight attacks ​on multiple locations in Nigeria’s northeastern Borno state, killing an army ‌general and several other soldiers, military sources said on Thursday.
Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters said insurgents attacked a key military base in Benisheikh but were repelled, confirming soldiers were killed ​while urging the public to wait for formal notification of ​next of kin before further details.

Fighters attacked the towns of Pulka ⁠and Bakin Ruwa in Gwoza district at about 2130 GMT on ​Wednesday, before insurgents tried to overrun the headquarters of the 29 Task Force ​Brigade in Benisheikh at midnight, Defence Headquarters said.
“The troops led by the Commander 29 Brigade, Brigadier-General Oseni Braimah, responded with exceptional courage and superior firepower… and forced (the terrorists) ​to retreat in disarray,” Defence Headquarters spokesperson Major-General Michael Onoja said, adding ​that clearance operations were ongoing.

But two military sources told Reuters the Benisheikh base was ‌overrun, ⁠killing Brigadier-General Braimah and other soldiers including a captain, and destroying several military vehicles. Reuters could not independently verify the accounts.
An officer involved in the Benisheikh reinforcements said air force aircraft evacuated the dead soldiers on Thursday ​morning after helping ​to drive out ⁠insurgents who had operated in the area for more than three hours. He said the death toll was still ​being tallied.

A 17-year Islamist insurgency in northeast Nigeria has ​killed thousands ⁠of people and displaced at least 2 million, according to aid groups, despite major military campaigns.
Boko Haram and ISWAP have intensified attacks on military positions in ⁠northeastern ​Nigeria this year, killing dozens of troops as ​they continue to exploit the region’s difficult terrain, porous borders, and weak state presence.

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*Gov Diri’s Six Years Of Silent, Impactful Revolution In Bayelsa*

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Gov Douye Diri of Bayelsa State

By Daniel Alabrah

On February 13, 2020, less than 24 hours before the scheduled inauguration of a new governor in Bayelsa State, a five-man panel of the Supreme Court of Nigeria delivered a verdict that altered the state’s trajectory. In a pronouncement many still call a “divine miracle,” Senator Douye Diri was declared the rightful winner of the governorship election conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission on November 16, 2019. What followed was not the thunderclap of fanfare but something quieter, deeper, and more enduring: six years of a silent revolution.

Under Governor Diri’s stewardship, Bayelsa has been reshaped not by slogans or spectacle, but by deliberate, compassionate governance that blends visionary planning with an almost paternal care for the people who call the “Glory of all Lands” their home.

From the moment he was inaugurated, Diri hit the ground running. He has equally demonstrated the rare quality of a leader who finishes what others begun and dared to dream bigger. He did not discard inherited projects in a rush for new glory; instead, he completed them with quiet efficiency while initiating a cascade of new ones that now stitch the state together like threads of a single, vibrant fabric.

As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu visits Bayelsa on Friday, April 10, 2026, the timing feels providential — a moment to witness firsthand how one man’s steady hand has turned potential into progress across infrastructure, security, sports, civil service welfare, youth empowerment, power and energy, agriculture, and, most profoundly, the unity of a people long tested by division and circumstance.

Nowhere is this revolution more visible than in the transformation of Bayelsa’s physical landscape. Roads that once existed only in dreams now stretch like lifelines across riverine communities. The 22.2-kilometre Yenagoa-Oporoma-Ukubie Road, the majestic Angiama-Oporoma Bridge across the River Nun, and the Angiama-Otuan and Angiama-Eniwari-Fonibiri corridors have opened the heart of the state to its hinterlands.

Further west, the 42-kilometre Sagbama-Ekeremor Road, complete with five new bridges, and the Ekeremor-Agge Road (first phase reaching Toru-Ndoro and Peretorugbene) have ended decades of isolation.

In the east, the 21-kilometre Nembe-Brass Road (first phase) and the reconstructed Nembe Unity Bridge stand as symbols of reconnection.

Within Yenagoa itself, the Glory Drive Phases II and III, the dualised New Yenagoa City Roads 1 through 6, the Igbogene-AIT/Elebele Outer Ring Road, and the Isaac Boro Expressway’s completion among other eye-popping projects have turned the capital into a city that breathes modernity while honouring its roots.

These are not mere ribbons of asphalt. Each kilometre carries farmers to markets, students to schools, and traders to opportunity. Bridges like that in Imiringi, Elebele, and the Onuebum-Otuoke road have replaced peril with passage. About 200 new concrete roads now criss-cross Yenagoa and rural communities across all eight local government areas, while the Ox-Bow Lake-Agbura and Polaku-Sabagreia projects link riverine hearts to the mainland. These interventions speak of a leader who understands that development must touch every ward, every creek.

The governor’s administration has also beautified the Etegwe-Edepie Roundabou and working assiduously to deliver the Akaba-Ogu-Okodi and Toru-Orua-Bolou-Orua-Akeddei-Toru-Ebeni roads — each one a quiet declaration that no community shall be left behind.

Yet infrastructure for Diri has always been about more than concrete and steel; it is the foundation for human flourishing. The iconic nine-storey Secretariat Complex rises as a beacon of efficient governance, while the Ernest Ikoli Media Complex, Finance House, Labour House, and BHIS Administrative Complex provide the institutional backbone for a state on the move. Judges’ Quarters have been remodelled, a new High Court Complex named after Justice Ungbunku stands completed at Onopa, and civil servants now enjoy a dedicated canteen at the Secretariat.

Community pavilions — from Peretorugbene to Kaiama, Ofoni to Odi, Sampou to Ekeremor — have become gathering places where the people’s voice finds resonance.

This same compassion flows through the governor’s approach to the civil service — the lifeblood of public service. Salaries are paid promptly, pensions disbursed without delay, and between N200 million and N400 million released monthly to clear outstanding gratuities and death benefits. Promotions are conducted as due, with incremental benefits implemented faithfully.

Teachers who waited years for their long-overdue advancements finally received justice. Over a thousand civil servants have been allocated plots for housing schemes, while a transport scheme eases their daily commute.

Training and retraining programmes, including mandatory intensive driving courses for lower-grade officers, have uplifted morale and capacity.

In Diri’s Bayelsa, the civil servant is not a faceless bureaucrat but a partner in the collective dream.

Nowhere does the governor’s vision meet compassion more tenderly than in agriculture and food security. Bayelsa, blessed with fertile soil and abundant water, had long yearned for self-reliance. Diri answered with action: support for cassava, rice, and plantain cultivation; the establishment of rice farms at Otuasega, Amassoma, and Imiringi Road; and the installation of rice mills at Niger Delta University and Federal University, Otuoke to process “Made-in-Bayelsa” rice. In partnership with the Central Bank of Nigeria, land and seedlings reached 3,500 farmers across all eight local governments. The cassava starch processing factory at Ebedebiri was completed, farm inputs distributed, and over 400 Bayelsans trained at the CSS Integrated Farms in Nasarawa State and in soilless farming in Ogun State. These efforts are not statistics; they are meals on tables, incomes in pockets, and dignity restored to the farmer who once watched potential rot in the fields.

Energy and power have received their own quiet revolution through Operation Light-up Bayelsa. Solar streetlights now illuminate roads and communities that once vanished into darkness at dusk, extending safety, commerce, and study hours deep into the night. The message is clear: progress must be sustainable, and light — literal and metaphorical — must reach every corner. All these are reinforced by the state’s independent power plant project with an installed 60-megawatt gas turbines to be inaugurated by President Tinubu during his visit.

Empowerment programmes have turned skills into livelihoods. Over 10,000 young Bayelsans have been trained in various skills and vocations. Another 366 received starter packs through the state’s SDG office. Most remarkably, 420 small business owners— four from each of the 105 wards — were empowered monthly with N400,000 each, a direct injection of hope that ripples through families and markets. These are not handouts but hand-ups, evidence of a governor who sees potential in every son and daughter.

Security, once a lingering shadow, has been tackled with strategic compassion. Flashpoints were identified and neutralised through infrastructure — shanties around the Etegwe-Edepie Roundabout gave way to beauty and order. The state government equipped security agencies with over 80 patrol vehicles, motorbikes, and communication gadgets.

As a priority, the governor has adopted technology to secure lives and property through the installation of closed circuit television (CCTV) cameras across the state capital just as it has established the Bayelsa Community Safety Corps by law, harmonising its activities with Operation Doo-Akpo, the Vigilante, and Volunteers into a single, effective force.

The result? Bayelsa today ranks as perhaps Nigeria’s safest state — a testament to proactive leadership that protects without oppression.

Sports, too, has become a unifying force. The construction of a 30,000-seat international stadium signals ambition, but the real victories lie in the achievements of Bayelsa’s athletes. Bayelsa United and Bayelsa Queens made history by winning the 2021 AITEO Cup — the first time any state claimed both titles. Blessing Oborududu’s Olympic silver in Tokyo, Bayelsa Queens’ triumphs in the Nigerian league, WAFU Zone B, and African Champions League, Timma Godbless’s junior record and African gold, and the global successes of Bishop Dimeari Grammar School and St. Jude’s Girls College in basketball have filled the state with pride. The grassroots-based Prosperity Cup and the maiden Bayelsa State Sports Festival have ignited passion from the creeks to the capital. In sports, Diri has shown that glory is collective.

Health and education, woven into the fabric of empowerment, have received equal attention. Referral hospitals at Kaiama, Oporoma, and Ekeremor stand completed, and upgrades to primary health centres.

In education, all 71 programmes at the Niger Delta University received accreditation; new science and technical colleges at Ayamasa, Sampou, Swali, and Ofoni offer free tuition, feeding, and uniforms. Six new schools within Yenagoa, ICT centres, Microsoft partnerships training 12,000 teachers, and the teaching of the Ijaw language in schools preserve culture while preparing minds.

Above all, Governor Diri has fostered a sense of oneness and peaceful coexistence. His administration’s deliberate spread of projects across senatorial districts and local governments has healed old fault lines.

In a region once prone to tension, Bayelsa under Diri breathes a spirit of shared destiny. The governor’s quiet demeanour masks a fierce love for his people; his vision is never abstract but always rooted in their daily realities.

As President Tinubu arrives, he will see more than projects. He will witness a state reborn through silent, impactful revolution — a testament to what visionary administration fused with compassion can achieve.

Senator Douye Diri has not merely governed Bayelsa; he has nurtured it, united it, and set it on a path where every road leads home, every light shines brighter, and every citizen feels seen.

Six years and counting, the miracle of 2020 continues to unfold — not with noise, but with results that speak for themselves. The “Glory of all Lands” is rising, and its governor walking beside it, steady, compassionate, and unyielding in purpose.

*Alabrah is Chief Press Secretary to the Governor of Bayelsa State

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By George Mgbeleke The African Democratic Congress has said that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu should be afraid of a major...

Politics3 days ago

CITRE says Purported INC Election Was Illegal,null and Void –Yet To fix Date for Election

By David Owei,Bayelsa Barely four days the Council of Ijaw Traditional Rulers and Elders (CITRE) has on Thursday said, there...

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