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TINUBU AND THE BOY WHO KILLED HIS DAD

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Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko

BY EMMANUEL NNADOZIE ONWUBIKO

I was just a very innocent boy of about 10 and had just stubbornly followed my immediate elder sister Francisca to enrol into a secondary school known as KAFANCHAN TEACHERS COLLEGE.

My Dad gave his unqualified approval that I jumped to form one from my primary 5 at the Aduwan 1 primary school since I was such in a hurry to be in secondary school.

I met a lot of school mates and given the huge size of the students, I was assigned to Class 1 P. There were some three thousand students in my form but the school was considerably massive in terms of structures and infrastructure.

The school was a neat one with teachers and a principal who were clearly no-nonsense disciplinarians. The Vice principal was such a fine gentleman who also played the role of an informal counsellor. He was instrumental to my becoming fascinated about becoming a journalist. Together with my Father Mazi Osonduagwuike Okorieocha ONWUBIKO who often sent me to buy copies of Champion Newspapers and Imo Statesman from the newsstand near the main market in Kafanchan, these legends pushed into journalism.

Our class teachers were very friendly but disciplined so we were made to know the boundary between friendship and falling in line in the area of strict compliance to the rules and regulations of the school.

One of those abominable sins was coming late to school. Lateness to school was strictly forbidden just as offenders are made to face corporal punishments and caning which were regimented and very awkward but these disciplinary actions moulded us into respecters of authority and order.

Discipline and order were virtues that most of us were already used to from our homes. Dad made sure we do not stray into the arena of rascality and malfeasance. My Dad did not mind flogging anyone who derailed.

And so, it was an anathema to hear that one of us in the school by the name of Godwin was such a very stubborn chap to an extent that rumours swirled around the ears of students that he occasionally fought his Dad. His Dad was disabled in one leg but all the same was a highly educated Nurse who was highly placed in his place of work in the only publicly funded hospital in Kafanchan.

The man was so diligent in his tasks as a Nurse but there is something we suspected made it possible for Godwin to deviate from the societal norms and to have had the effrontery to physically confront his Dad. This was the existential fact that his mother deals on local brews of alcohol known as burukutu and this line of business attracted all kinds of bad characters into their living environment whereby the mother does her business. Godwin was uniquely badly behaved and indulged in all kinds of misbehaviour including smoking and drinking of alcoholic beverages. We hus contemporaries failed to correct Godwin.

It was strange to know that a son could fight his Dad but to Godwin, engaging in fisticuffs with his biological Dad was just one of those normal things. The news wasn’t palatable to our ears because it was a huge anathema to contemplate that a son could even engage his Dad in the exchange of words talk more of physically battling the man who co-created him and brought him to life.

This bad habit escalated. Then all of a sudden, Godwin fought his Dad with a knife and succeeded in stabbing him to death. This was the kind of news that as kids of just 10, it was traumatic to hear.

The entire school and thousands of students received this shocking news with considerable amount of disappointment that the boy Godwin could kill the man who brought him to the world. Godwin was picked up by the police and that ended his education as he was taken straight into detention and then prosecuted for murder.

But given his tender age, he was not subjected to the death penalty which was the legal sanction for such a heinous crime but he was consigned to the borstal home which was a prison yard for juveniles for decades. The killing of his Dad by Godwin thus ended his normal life. He lost all his friends and hung the stigma of a killer of his Dad.

But if you are reading this story, you might be asking yourself why i remembered a story that took place almost 40 years ago.

Yes, the memory of this incident flashed into my thinking faculty when I busied myself over a cup of coffee in reflecting about the political scenarios been created by the current Nigerian president known as Bola Ahmed Tinubu and precisely the angle that the president is actively working to kill off constitutional democracy and multiparty democracy. Everyone who works for sustainable development, would naturally work to nurture constitutional and multiparty democracy which is our best system of government as it were.

President Tinubu once said, he was so happy that the opposition political parties that gave him the toughest challenges during the year 2023 poll were in internal turmoils. These internal infighting were promoted and funded by the supporters of the second term ambition of president Tinubu who seems mortally afraid of strong opponents who may torpedo him in 2027 given the poor records he has built in the field of economy, insecurity and general wellbeing of the citizens.

The truth is that the President and his political party the All Progressives Congress, are actively engaged in the deliberate demolition of peoples Democratic Party and the Labour party and has also extended his tentacles into the newly registered African Democratic Congress which obviously is one opposition party whereby the fiercest rivals of Bola Ahmed Tinubu have congregated including Atiku Abubakar, Aminu Tambuwal, Nasir Elrufai and Peter Obi. Tinubu is allegedly using Economic and Financial Crimes Commission as his foot soldiers to threaten serving governors belonging to PDP most of whom have soiled their hands and they are jumping into APC like frogs running away from a consuming fire and because Adams Oshiomhole a former National Chairman of APC said anybody joining APC wouldn’t be haunted by the EFCC and ICPC because their ‘sins’ are forgiven, these fearful politicians of the opposition parties are lining up into APC for protection from the troubles of EFCC.

What the president and the APC are collectively doing by forcing elected office holders of the other political parties to cross over illegally into the APC so as to weaken the opposition parties to soften the ground for the incumbent president to re-contest for the second and the last constitutionally permitted tenure in less than a year from now, is just the same as the actions of the boy who killed his father in my high school days in KAFANCHAN.

Democracy is obviously the result of struggles and agitation by people who stake their lives to wrestle power from the military coupists who drove away civilians in 1982 and held on to power up until 1999. One of those agitators who struggled for civilian led constitutional democracy to take roots in Nigeria is the man who is president today who obviously took over power through a contentious general election in the year 2023. He is attempting by all means to muzzle political opposition by allegedly funding internal schism and because most politicians in Nigeria are not ideological but are ready to be bought over, the All Progressives Congress has used public funds as slush funds to sponsor infighting in political opposition including the appointment of a PDP member as minister whose duty is to destroy the once harmonious PDP. The courts in Nigeria are as corrupt as the Supreme Court of Venezuela so the president is also using them to destroy the opposition parties.

So if this leading agitator who contributed to the arrival of constitutional multiparty democracy is now misusing his presidential powers to whittle down political opposition parties with the aim of creating a one party state, it won’t be wrong to remember the boy Godwin who killed his Dad and to draw a parallel with the incumbent Nigerian President as the boy who is killing multiparty democracy if he is not resisted.

But like Godwin the boy in KAFANCHAN of the 1980s who made sure he ended the life of his boisterous and joyous Senior Nurse and father and then ended his life, if Tinubu’s programme to exterminate multiparty democracy sails through, then Tinubu’s legacy as a warrior of democracy would come to a scratching end.

But since unlike during my childhood days that I and my contemporaries failed to correct Godwin and to compel him to desists from fighting his Dad, a negligence that dovetailed into the eventual killing of his Dad by Godwin, since we are aware that Tinubu intends to kill multiparty democracy, we owe our consciences the debts to speak out and mobilise active resistance to this political anathema and suicide that is about to happen in Nigeria.

The history of multiparty democracy is illustrious and we may do well to look at what political scholars gave us as the historicity and etymology of multiparty democracy.

Ancient Democracy:
Political groupings in ancient Greek democracies and in the Roman Republic were typically formed around leaders whose wealth, oratorical skills or achievements could sway the citizenry around issues of war, trade, property and public services.

Factions often formed around two main societal interests — the wealthy aristocracy and common property holders, traders and artisans. These groups held different views of democracy somewhat in the manner political parties do today. The most famous Athenian politician, Pericles, won enduring majorities of the citizens’ assembly in part through his success at extending political participation to the less wealthy and in part through his adept management ─ for a time ─ of Athens’ foreign policy.

Unlike Athens, Rome was governed through layers of representative institutions and officials according to class and wealth. The dominant law-making institution was the Senate, which represented patricians, or the elite landowning class. The Plebeian Council represented the rest of the citizenry, including smaller landowners and merchants. In this setting, there were no political parties but rather supporters or opponents of individual politicians based on personal interests or on their views regarding the balance of Senatorial privilege and the power and rights of plebeians.
British Political Parties
The first modern political parties arose in Great Britain out of the English Civil Wars and became defined in the Exclusion Crisis of 1679-81. Those known as Tories defended absolutist prerogatives and hereditary succession. Whigs favored greater constitutional limits on the monarchy. Their history offers an example of political party development.

The Exclusion Crisis occurred when Whigs sought to bar the brother of the restored king, Charles II, from succession to the monarchy due to his adoption of Roman Catholicism and fears that he would again try to assert absolute powers over parliament — the cause of the English Civil Wars earlier that century. In the minority at that time, the Whigs’ effort failed. James II assumed the throne in 1685 on his brother’s death. But the Whigs’ fears were soon realized as James II sought to transgress parliament’s authority. Acting now in the majority after a new election, the faction acted to depose James II in the Glorious Revolution of 1688. They invited his Protestant daughter, Mary, and her Protestant husband, William of Orange and King of the Netherlands, to assume the throne, uniting the two kingdoms for a brief period. Whigs then passed bills asserting power over monarchical succession, parliamentary authority and citizens’ rights (known as the English Bill of Rights).

Whigs and Tories vied for power thereafter as political parties. Whigs were dominant for much of the 18th century and Tories in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. In John Stuart Mill’s categories, Whigs were the “change” party, supporting parliamentary supremacy, expanding the franchise and free trade. The Tories were the “stability” party protecting rural, aristocratic and Church interests as well as the prerogatives of the monarchy. There were also independent members. They would be central to ending the slave trade and abolition of slavery, gaining support from leaders of both Whigs and, at times, Tories.

Nigeria borrowed our political system mainly from Great Britain. So why does Tinubu intend on killing multiparty democracy in the Country? Why must all the opposition party governors and legislators be conscripted into the All Progressives Congress of Tinubu?

*EMMANUEL NNADOZIE ONWUBIKO is the founder of HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA and a former COMMISSIONER OF THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF NIGERIA.

Law & Crime

Niger state Election Appeal Tribunal upholds Ruling of Election Petition Tribunal on Suleja LGA chairmanship

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By Uthman-Baba Naseer, Minna

The Niger State Local Government Election Appeal Tribunal has upheld the lower Judgement of the election petition Tribunal of Suleja local government chairmanship

The three members of the Appeal tribunal led by Justice Balkisu Gambo Yusuf who ruled that the election should be reconducted the two other members of the tribunal over ruled her decision in a very dramatic and confusing manner.

Justice Usman Ishyaku and Justice Salisu Majindadi in their both decision agreed with the lower tribunal decision striking out the petition as filed by the counsel of the Shehu Abdukadir of the Social Democratic Party (SDP),

Shehu Abdukadir, had approached the Chief Magistrate Maryam King local government election petition Tribunal,challenging the election of Shaibu Bawa Naibi of the All Progressive Congress (APC), claiming that the election was engulfed with irregularities.

The SDP Candidate has approached the tribunal through his Attorney Abdulrahaman Siraj Esq,to challenge the election of Shaibu Bawa Naibi alleging that he did not attend primary school claiming that the primary school Certificate he forwarded to the Niger State Independent Electoral Commission (NSIEC) was forged.

While delivering her judgement,the Chairman of the three members tribunal Chief Magistrate Mariam King struck out the petition and dismissed it in eternity for lack of merit.

Dissatisfied with the decision of the lower tribunal, the Attorney to the petitioner Abdulrahaman Siraj Esq, approached the Justice Balkisu Gambo Yusuf, Appeal tribunal for further redress in the decision of the Chief Magistrate Mariam King led local government election petition tribunal

However,the three members Appeal tribunal,after the Chairman of the Appeal tribunal Justice Balkisu Gambo Yusuf delivered her lead Judgement,directing for the reconduct of the election into the office of the Chairman Suleja local government, she nullified the decision of the lower tribunal.

At this point Justice Usman Ishyaku and Justice Salisu Majindadi distanced themselves from her decision and collectively nullified her decision and upheld the decision of the lower tribunal as delivered by Chief Magistrate Mariam King.

A mild drama and confusion erupted after the judgement as both the Attorney of the petitioner and the respondent engaged themselves in a hot argument on the decision of the two members of the Appeal tribunal Justice Usman Ishyaku and Justice Salisu Majindadi describing their judgement as an alien to the Justice system.

It was observed that the Attorney to the petitioner Mohammed B. Adamu Esq,who held brief for Abdulrahaman Siraj Esq,raised some fundamental issues within the ambit of the law,the Chairman of the Appeal tribunal Justice Balkisu Gambo Yusuf objected to his point and they rose and entered their Chamber.

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Police Arrests Fake JAMB Coordinator in Anambra community ,recover 8 slips, others

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IGP Olatunji Disu

By Our Correspondent

In its bid to stamp out criminality in Anambra State, the Operatives of the Inspector General of Police, IGP’s Safe School Initiative of the Anambra State Police Command, has arrested one male suspect, Eric Nwombu, for alleged criminal impersonation and unlawful possession of JAMB examination materials.

Among the Items recovered from him at a cyber cafe in Atani, Ogbaru Local Government area, included, 8 JAMB examination slips and an exercise book containing names and examination numbers of students, which he could not satisfactorily account for.

The arrest, it was gathered followed a report of how the suspect was collecting 2026 JAMB examination slips from students who had come to check their examination centers in a Cyber cafe, in Atani.

Upon inquiry, the suspect allegedly claimed to be a JAMB 2026 coordinator in Atani but the Staff of the Computer center, dissatisfied with his response and suspicious of his actions, alerted the Police Operatives in the area.

On sighting the Operatives approaching, the suspect attempted to flee but was apprehended.

According to the state Police Pu LIC Relations Officer, PPRO, Tochukwu Ikenga, (SP), preliminary investigatio has since commenced, and the case will be transferred to the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID), Awka, for discreet investigation.

He said the Commissioner of Police, CP Ikioye Orutugu, reiterated the Command’s commitment to safeguarding the integrity of public examinations and urged members of the public to remain vigilant and promptly report suspicious activities to the Police.

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NDLEA’s 974 convictions show strength, but intelligence reforms remain essential

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NDLEA Chairman, Mohammed Buba Marwa

By Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko

Perhaps, since the re-emergence of democracy in 1999, the National Drugs Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) has made momentous history for Nigeria and indeed Africa as the government’s funded public institution in the area of counter-narcotics that dedicates a huge chunk of human, material and financial resources towards manpower trainings and this Agency is unarguably the number one Agency in the area of the massive scope of successful prosecutions of drug offenders in all of Africa.

The evidence is very clear, unambiguous and empirical. This feat is made possible because of the charismatic leadership acumen of the Chief Executive Officer: Brigadier General Mohamed Buba Marwa (rtd) whose dedicated professional management team has left nothing missing to ensure effective, efficient and result oriented prosecutorial milestones since the last 5 years that General Marwa came on board.

There is therefore no wonder that the current President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has recently reappointed him for a second five year tenure because one phenomenally good turn deserved another.

The recent disclosure that the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency (NDLEA) secured 974 drug-related convictions within the first quarter of 2026 marks a significant milestone in Nigeria’s long-standing battle against illicit narcotics. Even more striking is the cumulative 254-year sentence handed down to 11 major drug kingpins—an outcome that underscores a renewed prosecutorial vigour and growing institutional coordination within the country’s anti-drug architecture.
At first glance, these figures signal a system gaining traction, one that is gradually overcoming the entrenched weaknesses that have historically undermined criminal prosecutions in Nigeria. Yet, beyond the impressive statistics lies a deeper and more consequential question: does this surge in convictions represent a sustainable shift in prosecutorial strength, or is it a high-water mark that must now be consolidated through more robust intelligence systems and investigative reforms?
The NDLEA’s performance within this three-month period suggests an agency that is becoming increasingly adept at translating arrests into convictions—a transition that cannot be overstated in significance. For decades, Nigeria’s law enforcement institutions have often excelled at apprehending suspects but faltered at securing convictions, largely due to weak evidence, poor case preparation, and procedural lapses.
The steady rise in monthly convictions—from 265 in January to 316 in February, and 393 in March—indicates more than heightened operational tempo. It reflects a maturing system where investigations are more tightly aligned with prosecutorial requirements, and where legal officers are better equipped to present compelling cases in court. The commendation by NDLEA Chairman, Buba Marwa, of the judiciary’s “swift and decisive adjudication” further underscores a growing synergy across the criminal justice chain.
Equally significant is the shift towards targeting high-value offenders. The conviction and sentencing of major traffickers, including the widely reported case of Adegbite Solomon, signal a departure from the traditional focus on low-level couriers. This evolution aligns with global best practices, which prioritise dismantling entire networks rather than merely disrupting their peripheral actors. It suggests a more strategic orientation—one that seeks not just to punish, but to incapacitate organised drug enterprises.
Several underlying factors appear to be driving this prosecutorial momentum. One is the strengthening of internal legal capacity within the NDLEA. Investments in training, case management, and legal coordination have likely contributed to more coherent and evidence-based prosecutions. By ensuring that investigations are conducted with courtroom requirements in mind, the agency reduces the risk of cases collapsing under legal scrutiny.
Another key factor is improved inter-agency collaboration. Drug trafficking is a complex crime that intersects with financial systems, border control, and international networks. The successful prosecution of high-profile offenders, coupled with asset forfeiture and licence revocations, suggests that the NDLEA is increasingly leveraging intelligence from financial regulators, immigration services, and foreign partners. This integrated approach enhances both the depth and credibility of evidence presented in court.
Deterrence also plays a central role. Lengthy prison sentences—particularly for repeat offenders—send a clear message that the cost of engaging in drug trafficking is rising. In a criminal economy driven by risk-reward calculations, the certainty and severity of punishment can alter behaviour and discourage participation. The symbolic weight of a 254-year cumulative sentence for a handful of kingpins is therefore not merely punitive; it is strategic.
The Intelligence Imperative
Despite these gains, the sustainability of NDLEA’s prosecutorial success ultimately rests on one critical pillar: intelligence. Convictions are the end product of a process that begins with information—accurate, timely, and actionable intelligence that can withstand the rigours of judicial scrutiny.
Nigeria’s drug trade has evolved into a sophisticated and adaptive enterprise. Traffickers now operate through transnational networks, utilise encrypted communication platforms, and deploy complex financial arrangements to obscure their activities. Traditional policing methods, which rely heavily on physical surveillance and routine interceptions, are increasingly insufficient in this context.
Without a commensurate upgrade in intelligence capabilities, the current surge in convictions risks losing momentum. The challenge, therefore, is to transition from reactive enforcement—where arrests are made after offences occur—to proactive, intelligence-led operations that anticipate, disrupt, and dismantle networks before they fully materialise.
To sustain and deepen its prosecutorial gains, the NDLEA must embrace a more sophisticated intelligence architecture. This begins with the integration of financial intelligence into drug enforcement strategies. Drug trafficking is fundamentally a profit-driven enterprise, and financial trails often provide the most compelling evidence in court. By working closely with financial intelligence units and regulatory bodies, the agency can uncover money laundering schemes, trace illicit funds, and build cases that are both comprehensive and difficult to challenge.
Technology must also become a central pillar of operations. The digitalisation of criminal networks demands a corresponding digital response. Investments in data analytics, cyber surveillance, and digital forensics can enable the NDLEA to decode communication patterns, track logistical movements, and map the structure of criminal organisations. Such capabilities not only enhance investigations but also strengthen the evidentiary foundation of prosecutions.
At the same time, human intelligence remains indispensable. Informants, undercover agents, and community networks provide insights that cannot be captured through technology alone. However, the effectiveness of human intelligence depends on trust and protection. Establishing robust informant protection programmes is therefore essential to encourage cooperation and safeguard those who provide critical information.
Inter-agency and international collaboration must also be deepened. Drug trafficking networks operate across borders, exploiting gaps in enforcement and jurisdiction. By strengthening partnerships with global law enforcement agencies and enhancing domestic coordination with customs, police, and immigration services, the NDLEA can close these gaps and create a more unified response.
Strengthening the Prosecution Chain
While intelligence gathering is crucial, its value is realised only when it translates into successful prosecutions. This requires continuous capacity building for legal officers, particularly in handling complex cases involving digital and financial evidence. Specialised prosecution units within the NDLEA could further improve efficiency, ensuring that expertise is concentrated and consistently applied.
Witness protection is another critical area. Many cases falter due to intimidation or reluctance of witnesses to testify. A credible and well-funded witness protection framework would enhance the willingness of individuals to come forward, thereby strengthening the evidentiary base of prosecutions.
Judicial reforms can also support prosecutorial effectiveness. Fast-track courts dedicated to drug-related offences could reduce delays and maintain the momentum of cases, while specialised training for judges on emerging trends in narcotics crimes would improve the quality of adjudication.
The Role of Communities and Prevention
No enforcement strategy can succeed in isolation from the society it seeks to protect. Communities often serve as the first line of observation, detecting unusual activities and patterns that may indicate drug trafficking. By fostering public trust and encouraging citizen participation, the NDLEA can expand its intelligence base and enhance early detection.
Public education campaigns should therefore go beyond highlighting the dangers of drug abuse to emphasise the role of citizens in combating trafficking. When communities see themselves as stakeholders in the fight against drugs, they become active partners rather than passive observers.
At the same time, enforcement must be balanced with prevention. The demand for illicit drugs sustains the supply chain, and without addressing addiction and substance abuse, enforcement efforts may achieve only limited success. I can attest to the fact that in this area, the NDLEA has done so well by investing substantially in the setting up of treatment centres across the country to try to salvage youngsters engaging in drug addiction. NDLEA should be supported in this area by the private sector leaders like the banks and big time industrialists. Rehabilitation programmes, education, and social interventions are essential components of a comprehensive strategy. It is precisely why we are impressed that General Marwa has invested a great deal of funds in the prevention of drug addiction. These mechanisms deserve to be supported by all and sundry.

The NDLEA’s achievement of 974 convictions in three months is both commendable and instructive. It demonstrates what is possible when institutional coordination, legal capacity, and operational focus converge. Yet, it also highlights the work that remains to be done.
Sustaining this level of performance requires more than operational intensity; it demands institutional resilience and strategic foresight. Intelligence must become the backbone of enforcement, guiding operations and strengthening prosecutions. Technology, collaboration, and community engagement must be harnessed to create a system that is both proactive and adaptive.
Ultimately, prosecutorial prowess is not defined solely by the number of convictions secured, but by the ability to dismantle criminal networks, deter future offences, and uphold the rule of law. If the NDLEA can build on its current momentum and embed intelligence at the core of its operations, Nigeria may well be on the path to not just containing, but decisively disrupting the drug trade.
In that transition—from momentum to mastery—lies the true measure of success.

*EMMANUEL NNADOZIE ONWUBIKO is the founder of the HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA) and was NATIONAL COMMISSIONER OF THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF NIGERIA.

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