Politics
Why We Restored Amaewhule-led Leadership of Rivers Assembly -S/Court

By Abdul-Ganiyy, Akanbi
A Certified True Copy (CTC) of the Supreme Court judgment on the political crisis in Rivers State has shed light on why the apex court restored the Hon Martin Amaewhule-led leadership of the State House of Assembly.

Gov Fubara of Rivers State
The apex court in a 62- page judgement obtained on Thursday by our correspondent made it clear that there was no iota or shred of evidence to support the claim of defection made against the 27 members of the House of Assembly from the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) to the All Progressives Congress (APC).
To worsen the situation, the Supreme Court in the judgement signed by Justice Emmanuel Agim said that the Rivers state governor, Siminalayi Fubara who raised the allegations of defection against the 27 lawmakers on his own volition withdrew the allegations at the Federal High Court in Abuja.
By not supporting the defection claim against the Amaewhule-led leadership, the apex court held that in the eyes of the law, no defection has taken place and consequently the status quo in the House of Assembly must remain.
Justice Agim, who endorsed the judgement copy specifically held that there cannot be any House of Assembly unless as prescribed by the 1999 Constitution, adding that the Constitution did not envisage or support the position of governor Fubara to recognize only four members as the authentic House of Assembly.
Consequently, the apex court held that it is an aberration for Governor Fubara to make any request, nominations and presentations to the Rivers State House of Assembly unless the one led by Hon Martin Amaewhule and believed to be loyal to former governor Nyesom Wike faction.
“What is clear from the above concurrent findings is that the 8” respondent (Fubara) started the prevention of the sittings of the Rivers State House of Assembly constituted by the number of members as prescribed by Section 96 of the 1999 Constitution long before the issue of the remaining 27 members defecting to another political party arose.
“The said activities of the 8” respondent (Fubara) were adjudged by the concurrent holdings of the Court of Appeal in its Judgment in Appeal No. CA/ABJ/CV/133/2024 as illegal and unconstitutional long before the allegation of defection started.
“Against the background of these concurrent findings and holdings In the Court of Appeal Judgment in Appeal No.CA/AB)/CV/133/2024, i is reasonable to conclude that the cross appellant’s reliance on Sections 102 and 109 of the Constitution and the doctrine of necessity is to continue his brazen subversion of the Rivers State House of Assembly, The 1999 Constitution and legitimate government in Rivers State.
“Having by his own admission engaged in a series of illegal activities just to prevent the other 27 members of the Rivers State House of Assembly from participating in the proceedings of the House to carry out their legitimate legislative duties which they were elected to do, his resort to Sections 102 and 109 of the 1999 Constitution and the doctrine of necessity on the basis of his allegation that they have defected is a red herring to perpetuate his subversion of the Rivers State House of Assembly, the 1999 Constitution and democratic government in Rivers State.
“The 8th respondent (Fubara) had collapsed the Rivers State House of Assembly. Therefore no question about any member having lost his seat in that House due to defection can validly arise. There must be a House of Assembly for any constitutional processes therein to take place.
“The daim that the 27 members are no longer members of the House on the basis of an alleged defection is a continuation of his determination to prevent them from participating in the proceedings of the House. It Is an engagement in chicanery.
“Sections 102 and 109 of the Constitution cannot be invoked in aid of this unconstitutional enterprise. Section 102. of the Constitution that provides that “A House of Assembly may act notwithstanding any vacancy in its membership and the presence of any person not entitled to be present at or to participate in the proceedings of the House shall not invalidate such proceedings”, cannot be relied on to validate the proceedings of a House of Assembly in the absence of over 90% of the members or to justify a vacancy created by the illegal exclusion of a member of the House or to justify the contrived illegal exclusion of 27 members and officials from the House and illegal shutting down of the House by destroying the legislative building and House of Assembly complex and blocking access to the place by legislators and officials of the House.
“A government cannot be said to exist without one of the three arms that make up the Government of a State under the 1999 Constitution. In this case, the Executive arm of the Government has chosen to collapse the Legislature to enable him govern without the Legislature as a despot. As it is there is no government in Rivers State.
“The doctrine of necessity cannot be invoked to justify the continued existence of a deliberately contrived illegal or unconstitutional status quo. It cannot be invoked to justify and protect the illegal actions of the 8” respondent and his despotic rule of Rivers State without a House of Assembly.
“It applies to genuine situations that were not contemplated in the provisions of the Constitution or any law, which situations require the taking of some legitimate extra constitutional or extra legal actions to protect public interest.
“The 8″respondent’s fear of impeachment by the House Assembly is no justification for his attacks on the House of Assembly, the Constitution, the Government of Rivers State and rule of law.
“Political disagreements cannot justify these attacks and contempt for the rule of law by the Governor of a State or any person. What the 8” respondent has done is to destroy the government because of his fear of being impeached.
“In the light of the foregoing, I hold that Cross-appeal No SC/CV/1175A/2024 lacks merit and is hereby dismissed.
“The part of the judgment of the Court of Appeal affirming the judgment of the Federal High Court in Suit No. FHC/AB)/CS/984/2024 is hereby affirmed. The said judgment of the Federal High Court in Suit No.. FHC/AB)/CS/984/2024 is hereby restored.
“For avoidance of doubt it is hereby ordered that the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Accountant General of the Federation should forthwith stop releasing and paying to the Government of Rivers State, its organs, departments and Officials any money belonging to Rivers State until an Appropriation Law is made by Rivers State House of Assembly constituted as prescribed y the !999 Constitution.
“The Rt Honorable Martin Chike Amaewhule and the other 26 members should forthwith resume unhindered sitting as Speaker and members respectively of the Rivers State House of Assembly.
“The Rivers State House of Assembly Should resume sitting with all elected members forthwith.
Politics
When Transparency Becomes Luxury: INEC and ₦1.5B FOI Controversy

When Transparency Becomes Luxury: INEC and ₦1.5B FOI Controversy
By Chike Walter Duru
When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) recently demanded a staggering ₦1.5 billion from a law firm for access to the national register of voters and polling units, many Nigerians were left bewildered. The request was made under the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act, 2011 – a law designed to make public records accessible, not to commercialize them. INEC’s justification, couched in legalese and bureaucratic arithmetic, raises a deeper question: Is Nigeria’s electoral umpire genuinely committed to transparency and accountability?
At the heart of this controversy is a simple statutory principle. Section 8(1) of the Freedom of Information Act clearly stipulates that where access to information is granted, the public institution may charge “an amount representing the actual cost of document duplication and transcription.” The framers of this law envisioned modest fees; not financial barriers.
INEC, however, appears to have stretched this provision beyond reason. By invoking its internal guideline of ₦250 per page, the Commission arrived at the colossal figure of ₦1,505,901,750 for 6,023,607 pages – supposedly the total pages needed to print the entire national voters’ register and polling unit list. It is a mathematical exercise that may be sound on paper, but absurd in context and intent.
Let us be clear: transparency is not a privilege that comes with a price tag. It is a fundamental right. The Freedom of Information Act exists precisely to ensure that institutions like INEC cannot hide behind bureaucracy or cost to deny citizens access to information that belongs to them.
INEC’s justification, however elaborate, falls flat against the law’s overriding provisions. Section 1(1) of the FOI Act affirms every Nigerian’s right to access or request information from any public institution. More importantly, Section 1(2) establishes that this right applies “notwithstanding anything contained in any other Act, law or regulation.” This means that no internal guideline, regulation, or provision of the Electoral Act can supersede the FOI Act, within the context of access to information.
By relying on Section 15 of the Electoral Act 2022 and its own “Guidelines for Processing Certified True Copies,” INEC seems to have elevated its internal processes above a federal statute – a position that is both legally untenable and administratively misguided.
Civil society organisations have rightly condemned INEC’s response. The Media Initiative Against Injustice, Violence and Corruption (MIIVOC) called the fee arbitrary and unlawful, while the Media Rights Agenda (MRA) described it as a deliberate attempt to frustrate legitimate requests under the FOI Act. These reactions are not misplaced. Charging ₦1.5 billion for public records is tantamount to weaponising cost – turning what should be a transparent process into a pay-to-play system.
The Attorney-General of the Federation’s FOI Implementation Guidelines pegged the standard charge for duplication at ₦10 per page. Even at that rate, printing the same documents would not amount to anything close to ₦1.5 billion. Moreover, in an age of digital data, it is difficult to believe that the only way INEC can share information is through millions of printed pages.
It is worth noting that the National Register of Voters is a digital database – already compiled, stored, and backed up electronically. The polling unit list is also digitised and publicly available. What, then, justifies this astronomical fee?
Democracy thrives on openness. The credibility of any electoral body depends not just on the conduct of elections, but also on the degree of public confidence in its processes. If the cost of accessing basic electoral data runs into billions, how can civil society, researchers, or ordinary citizens participate meaningfully in democratic oversight?
The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa (2017) are explicit: election management bodies must proactively disclose essential electoral information, including voters’ rolls and polling unit data. Nigeria, as a signatory to this framework, is obligated to promote – not restrict access to such information.
By placing financial barriers in the way of public access, INEC risks undermining not only its own credibility but also Nigeria’s broader democratic integrity. Transparency should not be a privilege of the rich or the powerful. It should be a right enjoyed by all.
This incident presents an opportunity for reflection and reform. INEC must immediately review its internal cost guidelines for information requests and align them with the FOI Act and the Attorney-General’s Implementation Guidelines. More importantly, it should embrace proactive disclosure by publishing the national register of voters and polling units in digital formats that are freely accessible to the public.
There is no reason why information already stored electronically should require billions to access. Doing so not only contravenes the spirit of the FOI Act but also erodes public trust in the Commission’s commitment to open governance.
Access to information is the lifeblood of democracy. It empowers citizens to hold institutions accountable and ensures that governance remains transparent. INEC’s ₦1.5 billion charge is not merely excessive; it is a dangerous precedent that could embolden other public institutions to commercialize public data and silence scrutiny.
If Nigeria must advance its democratic gains, the culture of secrecy and bureaucratic obstruction must give way to openness and accountability. INEC should lead that transformation, not stand in its way.
The Commission owes Nigerians not just elections, but the truth, transparency, and trust that sustain democracy.
Dr. Chike Walter Duru is a communications and governance expert, public relations strategist, and Associate Professor of Mass Communication. He chairs the Board of the Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria. Contact: walterchike@gmail.com
Politics
ICON Hon. (Chief) Amobi Godwin Ogah, a Distinguished Nigerian and An ICON

ICON
Hon. (Chief) Amobi Godwin Ogah, a Distinguished Nigerian and An ICON
By IGNATIUS OKOROCHA
Hon (chief) Amobi Godwin Ogah is a member of the 10th House of Representatives,representing Isuikwuato/Umunneochi Federal Constituency, Abia State and
Chairman, House Committee on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria Control.
Born on the 16th of June, 1980, in the peaceful town of Onuaku, Uturu, in Isuikwuato Local Government Area of Abia State, Hon. (Chief) Amobi Godwin Ogah is a distinguished Nigerian lawmaker, entrepreneur, philanthropist, and grassroots mobilizer.
Before he joined mainstream politics, Hon Ogah was the Executive Director of seven subsidiary companies under Pauli-Mama Group of Companies.
His passion for service and development has consistently marked his journey, from private enterprise to the hallowed chambers of Nigeria’s National Assembly.
A proud son of Abia State, Hon. Ogah currently represents the Isuikwuato/Umunneochi Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, where he also serves as the Chairman of the House Committee on HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Control—a critical role at the intersection of health policy and human development.
LEGISLATIVE IMPACT
Since assuming office, Hon. Ogah has made visible and measurable contributions to national discourse and local development. He has:
Sponsored impactful bills and motions, advocating for better healthcare delivery, youth empowerment, education reform, and rural development.
Championed community-oriented policies that directly benefit his constituency.
Consistently used his voice to demand transparency, equity, and good governance.
DEVELOPMENTAL INITIATIVES
Hon. Ogah believes that leadership is not just about laws—it’s about lives. This belief drives his infrastructural and social interventions across Isuikwuato and Umunneochi, including:
Construction and rehabilitation of rural roads for better access to markets and services.
Donation of learning materials and school infrastructure to underfunded communities.
Provision of portable water and solar-powered street lighting in rural areas.
Healthcare outreaches in partnership with NGOs and public health agencies.
EDUCATION EMPOWERMENT
A firm believer in the transformative power of education, Hon. Ogah recently awarded a full academic scholarship to Miss Okechukwu Mmesoma Josephine, a brilliant indigene of Isuochi, Umunneochi LGA. This scholarship covers tuition, books, and living expenses—an investment in both a future leader and the community at large.
NOTABLE QUOTE
“I was elected to be a voice for the people and a bridge to their dreams. My mission is simple: to serve, to speak, and to deliver.”
— Hon. (Chief) Amobi Godwin Ogah
AWARDS & RECOGNITIONS
For his impactful leadership, Hon. Ogah has received several commendations, including:
Outstanding Legislator Award (House Press Corps, 2024)
Humanitarian Service Award (Abia Youth Assembly)
Recognized as one of the Top 10 Performing First-Time Lawmakers in Nigeria (2025)
PERSONAL LIFE & VALUES
Hon. Ogah is a man of faith, family, and strong ethical grounding. He is married and blessed with children. Known for his humility and accessibility, he maintains close ties to his constituents and is often seen engaging directly with community leaders, youths, and elders alike.
He is also a Chief in his community(Agunecheibe 1 of Uturu)—a title he earned through years of service, philanthropy, and dedication to communal well-being.
LOOKING FORWARD
With unwavering commitment, Hon. Amobi Godwin Ogah remains focused on his core vision: building a constituency where opportunity, infrastructure, and justice work for all. Whether in the chambers of the National Assembly or the streets of Umunneochi and Isuikwuato, his presence continues to inspire hope and progress.
Politics
ADC to APC: No Number of Defections Can Save You in 2027

By George Mgbeleke
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has reacted to comments made by the APC National Chairman, Dr. Nentawe Yilwatda, that “key ADC figures” would join the party next week, saying that defections will not save the ruling party in 2027.
The ADC, in a statement signed by Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the party’s National Publicity Secretary, said that the scramble for membership from across the political spectrum underscores the APC’s growing realisation that it has become hugely unpopular with ordinary Nigerians who now hate the ruling party for the hardship it has brought upon them.
The full statement read:
“The attention of the African Democratic Congress (ADC) has been drawn to the declaration by the National Chairman of the ruling APC, Dr. Nentawe Yilwatda, at a stakeholders’ meeting in Jos that “key ADC figures” will be received into the APC next week.
“This statement underscores a deep realisation by the ruling party that it cannot be saved even if all the governors in Nigeria defected to the ruling party. This is why even with all the governors and senators they have been bragging about, the APC is still desperate for ADC members.
“The truth remains that the APC realises that it has become the most hated party in Nigeria, and no amount of defections can save the party from Nigerians whose lives and livelihoods the ruling party has destroyed since it came to power.
Continuing the Statement added, “Like we have noted earlier, the recent gale of high-profile defections to the ruling party is properly understood by ordinary Nigerians as a gang-up against the people by a ruling elite who have left the people behind in abject poverty and are only interested in self-preservation even as their people wallow in misery.
“We wonder if the APC has run out of governors to seduce that it has now turned to shadowy references to unnamed ADC members? If these individuals are so “key”, let the chairman of the hated party mention their names.”
“There is nothing new in the game that the APC is playing. It is the same ruinous game that the PDP played at the height of its powers. The APC will also learn the bitter lesson that real democratic power lies with the people and not a few power merchants.”
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