Politics
MAHMOOD: A HUMANE ASSESSMENT
By: Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko
“Be a good human being, a warm hearted, affectionate person. That is my fundamental belief.”
(-14th Dalai Lama)
“If you judge people, you have no time to love them.”
(-Mother Teresa)
Professor Mahmood Yakubu leaves the Independent National Electoral Commission after ten years at its helm; a decade that will be debated, dissected and, I suspect, ultimately judged kindly by history. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has formally accepted Professor Yakubu’s departure and, in recognition of his service, conferred on him the national honour of Commander of the Order of the Niger. The handover to the most senior national commissioner, May Agbamuche-Mbu, marks the end of an era and the start of another fraught moment for Nigeria’s electoral architecture.
To assess Yakubu fairly we must do two things at once: catalogue the hard, demonstrable changes he put in place to modernise Nigeria’s elections, and then judge how those changes held up under the stress test of Nigeria’s deeply adversarial politics. On the first task (the one that will determine whether INEC is stronger on the morning after his exit than it was on the morning of his appointment), Yakubu’s record is substantial, concrete and, in many ways, transformative.
When Mahmood Yakubu arrived at INEC in November 2015, he inherited an electoral agency that had begun to recover public trust after the Attahiru Jega years. Over the next decade he pursued a program of institutionalising technology, stabilising processes and expanding access to the register; reforms that were not merely cosmetic but structural. The Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) became a fixture at polling units; the machine records accredited voters, stores a picture of the EC8A (the polling unit result sheet) and was designed to reduce the kind of human tampering that has long hollowed out confidence in electoral outcomes. Complementing BVAS was the INEC Result Viewing portal (IReV); a public interface that allowed citizens, parties and observers to compare what was uploaded from polling units with what was being collated at state and national centres. Those two innovations (the biometric accreditation and the result-viewing portal), are not mere gadgets. They rewired the spine of the results chain and moved Nigeria from paper-only opacity toward a model of verifiable transmission.
Technology alone does not make an election free or credible; it makes verification possible. Yakubu’s INEC institutionalised procedures that, for the first time in decades, made it relatively easy for political actors and citizens to detect discrepancies between the result sheets at polling units and what appeared on official portals. This had a practical consequence: in the 2023 general elections several outcomes that would once have been unthinkable were validated on the ground and in the collation halls. The fact that results ran against the presumed preferences of political heavyweights (from presidential candidates to incumbent governors) is itself evidence that the mechanics of counting and transmission were functioning in ways that allowed voters’ choices to surface. Consider three state-level examples that mattered politically and symbolically.
In Lagos (the commercial hub that was, for decades, a political fief of Bola Tinubu), the Labour Party’s Peter Obi won the plurality of votes, a seismic outcome that spoke to the emergence of new urban coalitions and, importantly, to the ability of INEC’s systems to capture and publish polling unit returns for citizens and the media to scrutinise. That result, confirmed in the data and widely reported by credible international outlets, undercut the narrative that the commission could be bent to produce a foregone conclusion in even the most politically sensitive geographies.
In Osun State, the presidential tally favoured the Peoples Democratic Party’s candidate, an outcome that again cut across expectations and local party machines. And in the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, the Labour Party’s dominance was decisive and visible on the result portals and official collations. These were not trivial or isolated quirks; they were systemic signs that votes were being counted and reported in ways that allowed the people’s will to be revealed, even when that will clashed with established power.
If one wishes to measure institutional independence by outcomes, look also to the rout of political heavyweights who assumed their influence could buy them seats. At least five outgoing governors who sought to move to the Senate after two terms were defeated by opponents; an outcome that would have been harder to engineer if the electoral market were rigged in favour of incumbency rent. The International Centre for Investigative Reporting recorded the defeats of prominent outgoing governors — Samuel Ortom (Benue), Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi (Enugu), Darius Ishaku (Taraba), Simon Lalong (Plateau) and Ben Ayade (Cross River) — and their losses were widely reported as evidence that the electorate and the electoral machinery combined to produce genuine upsets.
The list of losers includes not only governors but a string of sitting national assembly leaders and committee chairmen who were unseated; a political cleansing of sorts that reflected voters’ impatience and the capacity of the electoral process to enforce it. ICIR’s compilation of National Assembly members who lost their seats in 2023 reads like a catalogue of the vulnerable and the over-confident: minority leaders, long-standing committee chairs and seemingly secure incumbents found themselves out of office when results were tallied and verified. Those outcomes matter because they are measurable, verifiable instances where the electoral process functioned against the grain of personal power.
Bauchi State (Professor Yakubu’s birth state) offers another telling case. In 2023 the presidential vote there swung to the Peoples Democratic Party, handing the opposition a clear victory in the INEC chairman’s own homestead and reinforcing the larger pattern: the mechanics of counting, accreditation and result viewing allowed an opposition triumph in a competitive state where the ruling party expected to be strong. That is a powerful vindication for any electoral manager who sought above all to let the ballot do its work.
Beyond technology and headline-defying results, Yakubu worked to professionalise INEC’s back offices: improving voter registration logistics, expanding the Continuous Voter Registration portal, strengthening training for ad hoc staff and pushing for greater transparency in party primaries. He presided over the creation or consolidation of units within INEC aimed at research, legal affairs and election operations management; slow, bureaucratic work that rarely makes front pages but is essential if an electoral commission is to endure beyond electoral cycles. The Electoral Institute, an INEC initiative, and the commission’s investment in training and data management are part of that quieter, but critical, reform legacy.
All of this, however, must be tempered by honesty. A reformer’s legacy is not simply measured in new machines and portals, but in how the institution responds when things go wrong. The 2023 general election was not flawless. There were well-documented technical glitches with result transmission during the presidential contest; there were delays and disruptions in some states that opened space for suspicion; turnout was depressingly low relative to the number of registered voters, and communication from the commission to the public was sometimes clumsy. Critics (both domestic and international) documented lapses in planning and execution that frustrated expectations that the new technology would magically solve decades of logistical and political problems. Those criticisms are partly fair and partly the byproduct of unrealistic expectations, but they matter all the same.
Nevertheless, when the ledger is balanced, one must concede that Yakubu’s stewardship materially strengthened the capacity of the commission to record, transmit and publish election results. The simple truth is that over his two terms Nigeria saw the operational roll-out of innovations (BVAS and IReV among them), that converted what had been an opaque counting process into one that could be audited, interrogated and, often, verified by citizens and independent monitors. Where previously suspicion flourished because of lack of transparency, the new systems reduced opportunities for stealthy manipulation; though they did not eliminate them. The point is crucial: independence and procedural integrity were not magically guaranteed by technology, but technology made accountability possible in ways that were previously unimaginable.
The political context in which Yakubu worked should not be ignored. For eight years under President Muhammadu Buhari, public commitments and INEC’s own pronouncements suggested a relative absence of direct presidential interference in the commission’s operating space. Both the executive’s pledges and the facts of contested results that went against incumbent power contributed to an environment in which INEC could, more often than not, execute its mandate without executive fiat. Buhari’s public promise to respect INEC’s independence and the commission’s repeated insistence that it was not under external influence are on the record.
But that is now the past. The present and the future are different. As the transition occurs under President Bola Tinubu, there are deep and widely-expressed concerns in the civic and international communities about the stakes of the INEC leadership appointment ahead of the 2027 general elections. International IDEA, CDD-West Africa and other analysts have warned that the appointment to lead INEC in the run-up to another general election is among the highest political stakes a president can face; and that politicising the commission’s leadership risks eroding the very gains Yakubu helped secure. Those warnings are not partisan insinuations; they are sober analyses from electoral experts about institutional risk at moments of transition.
Let me be plain. The verdict that must guide public judgment is this: Professor Mahmood Yakubu performed very well, humanly speaking. He was not infallible; no administrator operating in Nigeria’s febrile politics could be. He made choices, some of which produced predictable controversy. But on balance he steered INEC toward modern systems, increased transparency, and a greater capacity to resist straightforward manipulation. The evidence is before us in the technical architecture he left behind and the election outcomes that proved, time and again, that votes could surprise the powerful. Those are not idle boastings; they are measurable improvements in how we count and report votes.
If Yakubu deserves praise, he also deserves constructive criticism. Technology is only as good as the contingency plans that sustain it. The commission must, in future, invest far more in redundancy, offline reconciliation protocols and independent audits of the transmission chain. Result-viewing portals must be backed by resilient data centres and clear, rapid public communication when outages occur; IReV’s temporary failures in 2023 became political fodder precisely because the commission had not explained contingencies early and plainly. Training for ad hoc staff must be deeper and earlier; the single largest vulnerability of any electoral operation is the human error that turns a local glitch into national suspicion.
More than operational fixes, however, Nigeria must attend to legal and institutional safeguards that protect INEC’s independence. The next chairperson must not be a political toady; the law must be defended, and civic institutions must be vigilant. We have had evidence these past two cycles that the electorate will punish apparent manipulation; but that is not a substitute for a robust legal firewall that makes manipulation both difficult and costly. International partners, professional domestic observers and Nigeria’s civic intelligentsia should redouble efforts to insist on transparent selection processes and to hold the executive to its obligations to protect the electoral commission’s neutrality.
Finally, Nigerians must not be complacent. A decade of reforms under Professor Yakubu advanced the cause of transparent elections; they are fragile gains. The appointment that follows his exit is the fulcrum upon which those gains will either be cemented into a durable institutional culture or hollowed out by partisanship. If the next occupant of the INEC chair is a partisan surrogate chosen for short-term political expediency, the consequences will be swift: public trust will slump, opposition will be delegitimised, and the bureaucratic scaffolding Yakubu left behind will be repurposed to serve partisan ends. That is not a speculative fear but an historical lesson. It is the duty of every citizen, civil society organisation, and professional body to insist on competence, independence and transparency in the next appointment.
Professor Mahmood Yakubu exits with a record of measurable reform; biometric accreditation widely used, a public result-viewing portal institutionalised, a more professionalised electoral institute and, above all, a string of electoral outcomes that testify to the practical possibility of free and fair contests in Nigeria today. Those achievements do not make Nigeria’s democracy invulnerable, but they have raised the bar for anyone who would try to subvert the will of the people. For that alone he deserves our thanks, our critique where merited, and our stern vigilance going forward.
Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko is the founder of the HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA) and a former NATIONAL COMMISSIONER OF THE NATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION OF NIGERIA.
Politics
ADC to Tinubu: You run most incompetent govt ever – Cites inability to implement budgets and policy and appointment flip-flops as evidence
By George Mgbeleke
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has described the Tinubu-led APC federal government as the most incompetent in Nigerian history. The party cites the fiscal confusion that has seen the government running three national budgets simultaneously while effectively implementing none and the several policy and appointment flip-flops as evidence.
In a statement issued today by the party’s National Publicity Secretary, Mallam Bolaji Abdullahi, the party said the government’s obsession with the politics of re-election, at the detriment of governance, has done incalculable damage to the country in a manner not seen before.
The full statement reads:
The ADC has noted recent reports that signify utter confusion and a historic level of incompetence in the Tinubu administration’s implementation of national budgets since 2024. This is the first time in Nigerian history that any government would be running three budgets at the same time while implementing none.
Available reports indicate that while the 2024 budget was rolled over to 2025, as at the third quarter of 2025 only 17.7% of the capital budget had been released, while overall implementation hovered at less than 30%, even as internal disbursements continued to lag.
Government has argued that this absurdity is a “deliberate strategy” and “transition cost” to ensure that multi-year capital projects are completed. This is a blatant falsehood that cannot hold up to any scrutiny.
Even as we speak, 30% of the 2025 budget is billed to run from February 2026 to November 30, 2026, while the remaining 70% is simply rolled over to the 2026 budget, which is still being debated at the National Assembly three months into the year. This situation becomes even more alarming when we recall that President Tinubu promised last year that all capital components of the 2024 and 2025 budgets would be concluded by March 31, 2026, less than a month away, knowing quite well that this is not possible.
As at today, capital budget implementation for the Ministry of Power stands at a mere 3.6%, that of Communications Technology at 8.9%, while Education and Health stand at 23.5% and 32.5% respectively. Certainly, no serious government would leave these sectors, which are crucial to national human capital development, largely unfunded while select government officials continue to live in obscene opulence in the midst of unprecedented poverty and human misery.
It is noteworthy that the only ministry that has outperformed its budget, up to 113.45%, is the Ministry of Defence, largely due to emergency funding through the inscrutable Service-Wide Vote. Yet, rather than abate, insecurity has continued to spread across the country. Recent reports indicate that in this month of Ramadan alone, up to 500 Nigerians may have been killed by terrorists in Borno, Yobe, Adamawa, and Kebbi.
Government has continued to boast of historic revenue collection and unprecedented foreign reserve balances. This government has borrowed more aggressively than any other government in the country’s history. Yet, budgets remain unimplemented and contractors remain unpaid. This is the reason Nigerians are suffering like never before and asking the most important questions: what is this government doing with all the money that accrues from all the loans, all the revenues, and all the increased taxes? Why are we worse off today than we were three years ago?
Since this government came on board, analysts have identified at least seven appointments and several policy decisions that the government has announced and reversed either almost immediately or after public uproar. This is what happens when a government is distracted.
The Tinubu government has proven that to them everything is about politics and power for its own sake. This is why Nigerians are being slaughtered at an industrial scale across the country while the government feasts. This is why, despite all the propaganda of having performed wonders, Nigeria still holds the ignoble position of having the highest number of people in the world living in extreme poverty, with at least six out of every ten Nigerians unable to feed themselves.
Yet what we see is a government that continues to gloat over its “victory” in the FCT election and obsess over ADC online membership registration.
Politics
Group writes Tinubu, seeks inclusion of Isoko nation in Surveilance Contract jobs …acknowledges contributions of Tantita security against pipeline vandalism, oil theft
By David Owei, Yenagoa
An anti-corruption and Transparency group, Niger Delta Advocate 4 Good Governance, Anti-Corruption and Transparency, has sent a letter to President Bola Tinubu over rising disenchantment among some ethnic groups in the Niger Delta region over their alleged exclusion from the protection of national assets through the Oil Pipeline surveillance Jobs.
According to the group, despite the noticeable contributions of the Tantita Security Service owned by the foremost Former Militant Leader, High Chief Government Ekpemupolo in security oil pipelines in the region, the rising cry of exclusion by the Isoko,Itsekiri and other ethnic groups in the region is creating threatening tension in the region.
The group, after an emergency annual stakeholders meeting, held in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, to review the ANTI-CORRUPTION indices and Anti people’s governance policies of the year 2025, stated that though the letter to President Bola Tinubu is not intended to malign any individual, company, kingdom, or ethnic nationality but to unravel the untold story of the pure marginalization of the original critical stakeholders who fought hard and denied for the pipeline surveillance contract job coordination of the Isoko Ethnic Nationality section.
According to the statement, signed by Engr. Captain Momoh Ebiowei Erickson, made available to media men via email, the group stated that the letter to Mr. President is a call for clarity, fairness, and urgent presidential engagement regarding the controversy surrounding the Isoko Ethnic Nationality Pipeline Surveillance arrangement under the Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited.
According to the group, ”It is evident that since 2022 when the Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited was engaged, it’s original purpose to reduced oil theft, pipeline vandalism and economic sabotage has not been achieved to boost production.But the worrisome zero participation of the rightful Stakeholders from Isoko land in the the Oil pipeline surveillance contract job in Isoko land, has become a focal point for security and economic instability”.
“It has become increasingly clear that there are ongoing demands from local stakeholders for greater involvement, with calls for the surveillance to be handled by local Isoko people and increase participation.”
The group recalled that the NNPCL under the former leadership of aced the Mallam Mele Kyari and Former Minister of State for Petroleum, Chief Timipre Sylva, there were efforts during an expanded to include many ethnic nationalities including the Isoko nation with the the use of private pipeline surveillance contractors to combat crude oil theft and vandalism in other to increase crude oil production from mere 900 thousand barrels to 2m barrels daily as expected aim of the presidency.
“The major Western Corridor and that of the Central corridor surveillance operations were all awarded to:High Chief Dr, Oweizide Government Ekpemupolo (popularly known as Tompolo, and that of MATON ENGINEERING NIGERIA LIMITED owned by Mathew Tonlagha through Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited.This intervention was widely celebrated by all sons and daughters of the Niger Delta region, and expected to improve production levels beyond 1.4m barrels daily to 1.7m to 2m barrels and abov”
“But this multi-billion dollar pipeline surveillance contract job that was thoughtfully approved and implemented by the former president, Muhammadu Buhari of blessed memory in the year 2022 could not achieve its purpose, and was expected to reduce pipeline vandalism, oil theft nationwide.”
:This development led to the open acknowledgment from the Organisation of Petroleum Producing Countries (OPEC) that despite the private security engagement, the nation Nigeria is unable to meet the production quantum of even 1.5m barrels not to talk of 2m barrels per day, it is unfortunate.”
He also recalled that It has been reliably conveyed to our organization as advocates of transparency, good governance and the rule of law that Mr. Karo Edor and his team, representing stakeholders from the Isoko Ethnic Nationality, actively pursued inclusion in the surveillance structure covering Isoko land, and a lot of sacrifices where made by this young men and even submitted petitions to the law enforcement agencies in Abuja for the interest of peace and stability as law abiding citizens that does not believe in violence rather meaningful dialogue.
“According to accounts presented to us engagements were held with senior officials of NNPC Limited management in different occasions. Petitions were reportedly submitted to the 9th Senate Committee on Public Petitions, chaired by distinguished Senator Pius Akereleye and the first meeting reportedly took place at Frayza Suite, Abuja, and later at the Transcorp Hilton Abuja.”
“Those said to have been present at various engagements include: Mele Kyari, Ali Zara (former MD, NPDC, Matthew Tonlagha vice chairman TANTITA SECURITY SERVICES NIGERIA LIMITED and the MD/CEO, Maton Engineering Nigeria Limited; associated with Tantita operations), Dr. Dennis Otuaro who was the former Personal Assistant to Mr Mathew Tonlagha then, and now the Presidential Amnesty Programme Administrator.It is reported that, during these engagements, an understanding was reached that Mr. Karo Edor and his group would coordinate the Isoko segment of the pipeline surveillance project that cut across the entire Isoko land.”
“However, stakeholders now claim that the coordination structure was later implemented differently with some cronies of questionable characters were placed in charge of the Isoko Ethnic Nationality Pipeline Surveillance coordination, instead of the main stakeholders who were the rightful persons that fought hard for it, Mr Karo Edor and his team where practically denied and marginalized, and it was assigned to one Ashaka and Mr Kome who wherever in the picture from the onset of this Isoko Ethnic Nationality Pipeline Surveillance coordination agitation.”
“However, it should be put on record that there are growing concerns in the Niger Delta Region over this issue. Your Excellency, the Niger Delta region has remained economically sensitive and historically fragile and there are increasing concerns that perceived marginalization of certain ethnic nationalities in oil pipeline security surveillance contract arrangements.”
“Also there is the growing show of lack of transparent communication absence of inclusive stakeholder dialogue may provoke sharp tensions and security infractions that could undermine peace and oil production stability in the region.We are particularly concerned that the misunderstandings surrounding the allocation structure in Isoko land, and in parts of Itsekiri, Kalabari kingdom, under the rulership of HRM ALHAJI MUJHID ASARI DOKUBO, Okrika Okochiri kingdom, under the ruleship of HRM King Ateke Tom, in southern Ijaw local government Areas of Bayelsa state under the domain of General Boyloaf, who is the founder of MEND in the struggle, and in Ondo state areas where a well-respected high Chief and an ex Militant leader come from, the person of General Shootasite and other where not properly addressed, may escalate into avoidable regional agitation”.
“This is not a threat; it is a warning based on evident historical realities in the Niger Delta! The Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) Consideration Section 257(1) & (2) of the Petroleum Industry Act (PIA) recognizes the role and responsibility of Host Communities in protecting oil and gas infrastructure within their domains.”
“We respectfully submit that inclusive participation of host communities strengthens security outcomes and Exclusion or perceived exclusion weakens cooperation. Transparency builds distrust and fuel agitations.”
Your Excellency, as a leader known for political inclusiveness and strategic engagement, we respectfully urge you to invite all critical stakeholders to a Presidential roundtable discussion and include recognized traditional rulers,representatives of ethnic nationalities across the Niger Delta, Leadership of Host Communities of Nigeria Producing Oil and Gas (HOSCON), Representatives of Tantita Security Services Nigeria Limited, Relevant federal agencies.”
“Commission a transparent review of the surveillance coordination framework to ensure equity and compliance with the PIA.This proactive step will Prevent possible unrest, Safeguard production growth targets, Protect national revenue and Reinforce your administration’s commitment to fairness and justice, because an injury to one is an injury to all.”
“Stability must not only be measured in barrels per day it must also be measured in justice, inclusion, and peace.We believe that if this matter is transparently addressed now, Nigeria can avoid unnecessary tension and secure long-term production sustainability.Your Excellency, history has shown that unattended grievances in the Niger Delta often escalate beyond expectation.”
“We therefore respectfully request urgent Presidential intervention to clarify the Isoko Pipeline Surveillance arrangement and ensure equitable host community participation across all corridors. We remain committed to peace, unity, and national economic stability.This was an emergency annual stakeholders meeting that was held in Port Harcourt, Rivers State, to review the ANTI-CORRUPTION indices and Anti people governance policies of the year 2025.”
By David Owei ,Bayelsa
Governor of Bayelsa State, Senator Douye Diri, has advocated for the full inclusion of women in politics rather than the tokenistic agitation for special seats in the National Assembly.
Senator Diri stated this on Tuesday during the Pan Niger Delta Forum (PANDEF) women conference in Yenagoa, the state capital.
The Bayelsa governor also urged women across the region to demand total freedom to participate in politics because they do not deserve to be treated as second-class citizens.
His words: “I was told that the British High Commission is a major sponsor of this programme. I had the opportunity of meeting with the Deputy High Commissioner when she visited Bayelsa last week, and we discussed women participation in politics.
”She believes that the agitation for special seats for women in the National Assembly is good. While I agreed with her, in part, as a temporary solution, I however largely disagree with the idea. My point is, I do not want our women to be treated as second-class citizens.
”The women in Britain do not have special seats in parliament just as in America. The system flows and recognises them, and they participate fully in politics. Nobody talks about special seats or women being under-privileged there. We can do it in Nigeria.
“Our women are very intelligent and are active in politics. They are also very active in various professions. So, why are we asking for special considerations for them?
“Women across the world participate and become members of parliament, governors and presidents. Nigeria should not be an exception. Our structure is wrong. There is a structural deficiency in Nigeria.
”Here we have women that are professors, doctors, engineers, and lawyers even in the Niger Delta. I just celebrated my daughter of 26 years with a Ph.D in law. Women should ask for their freedom and I encourage you not to accept the second-class citizens treatment in this country. “
Governor Diri recounted efforts to get more women integrated in politics of the state.
“In Bayelsa, I have consciously tried to bring in more women into governance either in the state executive or the House of Assembly. In 2023, I thought we would have about five women in the assembly but when we went for the election, only two succeeded.
“So, I know what you are facing and I am happy that you are coming together. Sometime, the problem is even women versus women. My dear women of Niger Delta, I will always support you and encourage you as governor of this state.”
Earlier, the PANDEF National Women Leader, Rev. (Mrs.) Grace Ekong, said women require education, skills, experience, and exposure to actively participate in politics.
She charged them not to be passive as they have significant roles to play in societal development.
“As women, wherever you are, you should contribute. Participate and contribute intelligently, constructively and positively for the development of this region. Be educated and encourage your children to be educated so that they can be appointed into political positions and be part of what is going on in this country and our region.
“Our region needs infrastructure and development. We need that connectivity and of our environment so future generation will have where to live and work.
“This region provides the wealth of this country and how many women from the Niger Delta region are part of the politics of this country?“
The event had in attendance former First Lady of Nigeria, Dr. Patience Jonathan, Rivers State Deputy Governor, Prof. Ngozi Odu, PANDEF National Chairman, Dr. Boladei Igali, and several women groups from across the Niger Delta.
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