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Akpabio’s New Year Resolution: Forgiveness, Faith, and Leadership

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President of the Senate, Senator Godswill Akpabio shaking hands Apostolic Nuncio and representative of the Pope, Most Rev. Michael Francis Crottywith Papal.

By
Hon. Eseme Eyiboh, MNIPR

In politics, silence is often louder than speech, for it speaks in the language of calculation and consequence. Forgiveness, when declared by a powerful man, is louder still—a thunderclap in a quiet chamber. It unsettles expectations, invites suspicion, and demands interrogation, not because it is weak, but because power is never presumed innocent when it chooses mercy.

When Senate President Godswill Akpabio, GCON, announced his New Year resolution to forgive all offenders and withdraw every suit he had instituted, Nigeria’s political class instinctively reached for its usual tools—cynicism, calculation, conspiracy. This decision, however, does not fit comfortably within the margins of the country’s familiar scripts of power and vendetta; it demands a slower reading.
The context itself matters. On New Year’s Day 2026, Akpabio was not behind a podium, flanked by politicians. He was seated in Sacred Heart Parish, Uyo, listening to a homily—not as Nigeria’s number-three citizen, but as a humble, God-fearing parishioner. The priest, Reverend Father Donatus Udoette, preaching with quiet authority and pastoral fervor, exhorted his congregants to let go of past hurts and choose peace over grievance. Akpabio would later say that, at some point, he realised the sermon was speaking directly to him.

The announcement that followed shortly after bore the unmistakable imprint of that moment. About nine defamation suits would be withdrawn, including the ₦200 billion case against Senator Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan, arising from allegations he had consistently denied and publicly rejected. Other cases, some involving his close associates, would go the same way. In a political culture where litigation has become an extension of reputation management, this was no minor gesture. Akpabio had been unapologetic about defending his name through the courts. The law, in his hands, had been both shield and sword. To voluntarily lay it down is to interrupt a habit of power.

The question, therefore, is not whether Akpabio could afford to forgive. It is why he chose to do so.
To answer that, one must resist the temptation to isolate this act from the man’s broader leadership story. Akpabio has always lived publicly in dual registers. There is the assertive politician who, as governor of Akwa Ibom State, left behind concrete evidence of ambition fulfilled—flyovers, boulevards, hospitals, model schools, an international airport, and an international stadium. Supporters invoke the Latin phrase res ipsa loquitur: the facts speak for themselves.

Then there is the other register: the man who frames his political journey in spiritual terms; who describes his rise from the shadows to national limelight as evidence of divine ordering and grace; who once called himself, without irony, “the most ranked Christian in government.” A man who sees himself not merely as a participant in Nigeria’s politics, but as an instrument within a providential design—God’s will, he believes, for Nigeria at this moment.

In Nigeria, faith in politics is common. Stability of faith is rarer. Akpabio’s Christianity is not episodic. It has shaped how he understands authority itself. Power, in this worldview, is not merely seized or negotiated; it is entrusted. And what is entrusted carries moral obligation.

This is where forgiveness ceases to be sentimental and becomes political philosophy.
The same drive for tangible outcomes has characterised, albeit differently, his tenure as Senate President. It has been defined less by flamboyance than by control. The Senate he leads has been unusually productive and notably calm—more than ninety-six bills passed in two years, with over fifty-eight assented to by the President. In a chamber once notorious for theatrics, this stability is not accidental. It reflects a leadership style that values restraint over spectacle and consensus over conquest.
While his action was inspired, it also makes political sense. Withdrawing defamation suits fits neatly into this logic. Legal battles consume attention. They tether leaders to old grievances. They narrow the emotional bandwidth required for institutional leadership. To let them go is to reclaim focus—and to recommit to what ultimately matters: nation-building.
Critics will argue that forgiveness is easier from a position of strength. They are right. That is precisely why it matters. In fragile political systems, restraint by the powerful sets a tone no code of conduct can enforce. It lowers the temperature. It changes incentives.
Nigeria’s public sphere has become deeply adversarial. Every disagreement is framed as insult. Every critique is personalised. Politics has learned to confuse hostility with toughness. In such an environment, Akpabio’s choice rightly disrupts a dangerous rhythm.
Faith provides the language; humility provides the discipline. Humility here is not self-effacement. No one can accuse Akpabio of being unaware of his own stature. Rather, it is a confidence that does not require constant vindication. As the late global gospel icon, Uma Ukpai, once told him: “Only fruit-bearing trees draw missiles. If you are drawing missiles, it means you are bearing fruit.”
To accept that counsel is to understand leadership as emotional labour. To forgive is not to deny injury; it is to refuse to let injury define governance.
There is, of course, a strategic dimension. Nigerian politics does not permit innocence. The decision comes at a time when Senate unity is under constant scrutiny and rumours of internal challenge circulate freely. Choosing reconciliation over escalation strengthens institutional cohesion. It preserves authority without making it brittle.
Yet strategy does not cancel sincerity. In Nigerian leadership, the sacred and the secular are not opposing realms but overlapping obligations. Godswill Akpabio’s Catholic identity, deeply rooted in his home state, has always been both personal and public. He has hosted bishops at the national level. He is planning a worship centre within the National Assembly complex. These are not gestures of convenience; they are expressions of a worldview in which governance, godliness, and morality intersect.
This is why the withdrawal of lawsuits should be read not merely as personal forgiveness but as public modelling. Akpabio has often spoken of nation-building as a collective task, insisting that it requires citizens to rise above division and embrace shared purpose. Forgiveness, in this sense, becomes civic pedagogy.
Nigeria suffers from obvious physical infrastructure deficits. It also suffers from what might be called spiritual infrastructure decay. Distrust is habitual. Anger is efficient. Leaders who demonstrate emotional regulation contribute to national repair in ways budgets cannot capture.
The implications extend directly into legislative leadership. Managing one hundred and nine senators with competing ambitions requires more than procedural mastery. It demands moral authority—authority that flows not only from rules, but from example.
By choosing forgiveness over litigation, Akpabio strengthens his hand not through coercion but through credibility. He signals that power can afford generosity; that leadership does not require perpetual combat; that not every insult deserves a reply.
There is risk, of course. Forgiveness can be misread as weakness. Silence can be exploited. But leadership that waits for perfect safety rarely leads. Akpabio’s resolution accepts vulnerability as the price of example.
What emerges, then, is a synthesis: the force of developmental leadership from his gubernatorial years, the finesse of institutional management as Senate President, obedience to God and now a claim to moral authority through public restraint.
Nigeria often produces leaders who deliver material progress but corrode trust, or leaders who speak ethically but govern ineffectively. Akpabio’s gesture attempts to collapse that false choice.
To be clear, the true test lies ahead. Forgiveness must be sustained, not performed once and shelved. Its power will be measured by whether it cools tempers, reshapes conduct, and encourages reciprocal restraint.
For now, Akpabio has offered an unconventional lesson in Nigerian statecraft: that surrendering legal claims can strengthen authority; that stable faith produces calm rather than noise; and that humility, properly understood, is not the absence of confidence but its highest expression.
In a country struggling to rebuild trust while confronting insurgency, economic hardship, and climate anxiety, reconciliation is not a luxury. It is governance.
Sometimes, the most radical act in politics is not retaliation, but restraint. And with his New Year’s resolution, Senator Godswill Akpabio, the Senate President has demonstrated precisely that.

Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is the Special Adviser, Media/Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the Senate

Opinion

HURIWA: Court-Driven Credential Probe Against Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo Is Political Smear*

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By

Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko

By George Mgbeleke

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has dismissed the recent legal moves targeting the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, as a politically motivated distraction aimed at undermining his growing national profile, insisting that the attacks appear driven by speculation about a possible governorship ambition in Ondo State; an ambition the minister has not even declared.

Reacting to reports that the Federal High Court in Abuja granted an activist permission to question the minister’s WAEC certificate while rejecting a separate request relating to his NYSC discharge, the group described the pattern of litigation as a coordinated smear campaign disguised as civic engagement. Besides, HURIWA expressed disappointment that someone could go to court just to verify a WAEC result that can seamlessly be accessed by buying WAEC scratchcard and then verify in real time.

In a statement issued in Abuja, HURIWA said it finds it disturbing that credentials already accepted by statutory institutions such as the West African Examinations Council and the National Youth Service Corps are suddenly being dragged into public controversy through the courts without credible evidence of wrongdoing.

The association noted that Justice Binta Nyako granted leave for inquiry into the minister’s secondary school certificate, while Justice Joyce Abdulmalik declined the broader NYSC-related request, ruling that the applicant failed to establish sufficient public interest. According to the group, the latter decision exposes the intrusive and speculative nature of the demands.

HURIWA argued that academic credentials used for university admission and completion of national service already undergo several layers of institutional verification, making fresh court-driven probes unnecessary unless supported by concrete proof of forgery or misconduct.

The group said the development reflects a familiar Nigerian political pattern in which litigation, petitions and media narratives are deployed to weaken perceived frontline contenders ahead of election cycles. It expressed concern that even though the minister has not indicated any intention to contest the next governorship election in Ondo State, political actors fearful of that possibility appear to be mounting pre-emptive attacks against him.

HURIWA warned that turning the courts into arenas for speculative credential disputes risks trivialising the justice system and weaponising transparency mechanisms for partisan objectives.

The organisation further stressed that public accountability must not be reduced to fishing expeditions into personal records, financial history or service documentation without compelling justification, cautioning that normalising such tactics could expose many public officials to harassment by political opponents posing as whistleblowers.

HURIWA therefore urged political stakeholders in Ondo State to prioritise governance debates and policy alternatives rather than personality-driven attacks. It described it as deeply unfortunate that a serving minister focused on national responsibilities is being targeted based on assumptions about a governorship ambition he has not expressed.

The group also called on civil society organisations to resist being drawn into elite political rivalries, warning that advocacy loses credibility when it appears selective or strategically timed.

HURIWA concluded that while lawful scrutiny of public officials remains legitimate, such actions must be evidence-based, proportionate and genuinely in the public interest; not deployed as a pre-election weapon against individuals whose rising influence unsettles entrenched interests.

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Tinubu seeks Senate confirmation of Yusuf as NAHCON chairman

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By Abdul-Ganiyy Akanbi

President Bola Tinubu has written to the Senate seeking confirmation of the nomination of Ambassador Ismail Abba Yusuf as the chairman of the National Hajj Commission of Nigeria, NAHCON.

This was disclosed on Tuesday, via a letter addressed to the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio and read during plenary.

Tinubu explained that the request was made in compliance with the provisions of the law guiding appointments into the commission, and therefore, urged the upper legislative chamber to expedite consideration of the nominee in line with Section 3(2) of the NAHCON Act, 2006.

“While it is my hope that the senate will consider and confirm the appointment expeditiously, please accept, Mr Senate President and distinguished Senators, the assurances of my highest regards,” the letter read.

Tinubu had last week nominated Yusuf, a retired career diplomat, and the immediate past Ambassador of Nigeria to the Republic of Turkiye as the NAHCON’s new chairman following the resignation of Professor Abdullahi Saleh Usman a.k.a Pakistani.

Born on July 7, 1962 at Mubi, Adamawa State, Yusuf graduated from Usman Danfodio University, Sokoto in 1985 with an Honors degree in Political Science. He completed the mandatory National Youth Service Corps, NYSC program at the Ijebu Chamber of Commerce, Industry, Mines and Agriculture in 1986, and immediately gained employment into the Foreign Service in December 1986.

The chairmanship nominee attended several advance professional courses and rose to the rank of Director in 2013. He was subsequently appointed Ambassador extra-ordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Republic of Turkiye in 2021.

He played a pivotal role in accelerating strategic relationship with Turkiye focused heavily on defense, security, trade and investment, and industrial

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Opinion

HURIWA TO NSA: Referring Nasir El-Rufai’s allegation to DSS for investigation is a resort to self-help measure and unlawful*

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By

Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko

By George Mgbeleke

Pro-democracy and civil rights advocacy group HUMAN RIGHTS WRITERS ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA (HURIWA) has faulted the decision of the office of the National Security Adviser to drag to the Department of State Services, the matter of the accusation made against the NSA Mr. Nuhu Ribadu by former Governor of Kaduna state Mallam Nassir El-Rufai concerning a plot to import odourless but toxic chemical substance into Nigeria.

The Rights group has instead admonished the NSA to institute a suit before the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory or the Federal High Court, Abuja Division so the erstwhile Governor of Kaduna State and a former Federal minister who is a prominent leader of the political opposition can have the opportunity to tender evidence and to directly confront the person he has accused just as the courts of competent authority has the judicial powers of the Federation in accordance with Section 6 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.

HURIWA said since the office of the Department of State Services just like every national security affiliated institutions are coordinated from the office of the National Security Adviser, it can be considered a resort to a self-help measure for the office of the National Security Adviser to file a petition against an opposition politician to a government office under the supervision of the office of the National Security Adviser to the President of the Federation. “The government should avoid exercising powers and authority in such a way that it would be interpreted that the political opposition leadership are under a military styled repression.”

HURIWA in a statement by the National Coordinator, Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko, recalled that the immediate past governor of Kaduna State, Nasir El-Rufai, had asked the Office of the National Security Adviser to clarify what he described as information available to opposition figures regarding the alleged procurement of a toxic chemical substance.

In a letter dated January 30, 2026 and addressed to the National Security Adviser in Abuja, El-Rufai said he was seeking “clarification and reassurance” over reports that the office planned to obtain thallium sulphate from abroad.
El-Rufai posted a copy of the letter on his official X handle on Sunday.

The former governor noted that the substance is regarded as dangerous and tightly regulated, stressing the need for transparency.
“I am writing as a concerned citizen to seek clarification and reassurance regarding information available to the political opposition leadership about a procurement of approximately 10 kilograms of Thallium Sulphate by the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA), reportedly from a supplier in Poland.
“Given that thallium salts are highly toxic and tightly controlled substances, I believe it is important – for public safety, democratic accountability and for maintaining public trust – to confirm the following details”, the letter partly read.

HURIWA also recalled that the Office of the National Security Adviser (ONSA) on Sunday denied procuring thallium sulphate, a highly toxic, colourless and odourless compound capable of killing humans in small doses.

In a reply by OM Adesuyi, a brigadier general, signing on behalf of Mr Ribadu, the ONSA acknowledged receipt of Mr El-Rufai’s correspondence and denied the allegation.
“ONSA has neither procured nor initiated any process for the purchase of such material, and has no intention of doing so,” the statement signed by Mr Adesuyi, stated in the letter, first published by TheCable.

The letter added that the matter had been referred to the State Security Service (SSS) for a comprehensive investigation, and that Mr El-Rufai and other parties in possession of relevant information would be invited by the service to provide evidence.
“Your Excellency and other parties involved, who may possess relevant information relating to this claim, will be duly invited by the Service to provide any evidence that may assist in an in-depth investigation, establishing the facts and ensuring due diligence,” the letter read.

HURIWA disagreed with the dimension and direction that the office of the NSA has taken the matter which suggest a show and demonstration of ‘MIGHT IS RIGHT’ which the Rights group described as illegal and unethical for a government official being accused by a political opponent of the government in power to then use officers answerable to him to seek to intimidate or harass into silence the political opposition leader who has made the allegation.

“The office of the NSA should go to court and allow for adjudication of the matter by an institution that is not affiliated to the NSA because dragging Nassir El-Rufai to the DSS is like becoming the prosecutor and the judge in your own matter. Let this matter go to the court of law so all parties can exercise their fundamental freedoms to disclose whatever information they have.

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