Opinion
AKPABIO’S THREE YEARS OF TRANSFORMATIVE AND IMPACTFUL LEGISLATIVE LEADERSHIP
By Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr
When Senator Godswill Obot Akpabio assumed office as President of Nigeria’s 10th Senate in June 2023, expectations were understandably high. Nigeria was grappling with economic headwinds, persistent security challenges, and growing public demand for more responsive and effective democratic institutions. In such a climate, the National Assembly was expected not merely to make laws, but to provide leadership, strengthen oversight, and restore public confidence in governance.
Three years into his tenure, the Senate under Akpabio has increasingly sought to position itself as a stable, proactive, and policy-driven legislative institution. Through a combination of legislative initiatives, institutional reforms, parliamentary diplomacy, and engagement with critical national issues, the Senate has played a visible role in shaping the country’s governance landscape. While critics have raised concerns on certain matters—an inevitable feature of democratic leadership—the overall record presents a legislature that has remained active, cohesive, and focused on its constitutional responsibilities during a period of significant national transition.
The foremost responsibility of any legislature is lawmaking, and in this regard, the 10th Senate has maintained an ambitious legislative agenda. Hundreds of bills have been introduced and processed, many of them directly targeting Nigeria’s pressing economic, fiscal, and governance challenges. According to Senate Leader Opeyemi Bamidele, in a midterm scorecard released in June 2025, the upper chamber introduced 983 bills and passed 108 into law between June 2023 and June 2025. This included 83 bills passed in the 2024/2025 legislative year alone, compared to 25 bills in the 9th Senate in the same period. Official legislative records also indicate a significant rise in legislative activity compared to previous assemblies, suggesting that the 10th Senate has been notably active by legislative output metrics.
More significant than the volume of legislation, however, has been the Senate’s focus on measures with far-reaching national implications. The emphasis has not been on legislative activity for its own sake, but on advancing reforms designed to address some of Nigeria’s most pressing economic and governance challenges. The Senate has prioritised reforms aimed at stimulating economic growth, improving public finance management, strengthening institutions, and expanding social protection.
One of the defining legislative undertakings of the 10th Senate has been its commitment to tax reform and fiscal modernization. Nigeria’s tax system has long been criticised for fragmentation, multiple taxation, weak compliance, and excessive dependence on oil revenue. Under Akpabio’s leadership, the Senate pursued reforms aimed at simplifying tax administration, broadening the tax base, promoting digital compliance, and providing greater relief for small businesses and low-income earners. In May 2025, the Senate passed four major tax reform bills which, according to the Chairman of the Presidential Committee on Fiscal Policy and Tax Reforms and now Minister of Finance, Taiwo Oyedele, could increase Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio from about 10 per cent in 2023 to approximately 18 per cent by the end of 2027.
These reforms are significant because Nigeria’s tax-to-GDP ratio remains among the lowest in Africa, limiting government revenue and public investment capacity. By supporting measures aimed at modernising tax collection and reducing leakages, the Senate sought to create a more sustainable fiscal framework capable of supporting infrastructure, education, healthcare, and social services.
Beyond fiscal reforms, the Senate has devoted significant legislative attention to education, regional development, agriculture, energy, and the digital economy. Bills relating to tertiary education, regional development etc commissions, agricultural growth, and public sector modernization have featured prominently on its agenda. Notable examples include the Student Loan (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2024, which reportedly facilitated over one million applications through the Nigerian Education Loan Fund, and the Electricity Act (Amendment) 2023, which expanded the role of states and private investors in electricity generation and distribution.
To strengthen the country’s electoral process, the Senate also pursued amendments to the Electoral Act aimed at improving internal party democracy and clarifying procedures around party primaries and consensus candidacies. Supporters of the reforms argue that clearer legal definitions and procedural safeguards could help reduce arbitrary candidate selection and strengthen transparency within political parties. Senate Leader Bamidele has also indicated that additional reforms, including possible provisions for diaspora voting and early voting for security personnel, remain priorities for the remaining legislative period.
Beyond lawmaking, one of the less visible but significant developments of the 10th Senate has been institutional stability. Historically, Nigeria’s upper legislative chamber has often been characterised by prolonged leadership disputes, partisan confrontations, and disruptions capable of slowing governance processes. Under Akpabio’s leadership, however, the Senate has largely maintained operational cohesion and stability.
Plenary debates have generally remained issue-focused rather than personality-driven, while contentious national matters have often been managed through consultation and negotiation. This atmosphere of relative stability has reduced legislative deadlocks and allowed committees to function with greater consistency.
The Senate President’s leadership style has leaned heavily toward consultation and consensus-building. In a politically diverse chamber comprising members of the APC, PDP, Labour Party, NNPP, SDP, and other minority parties, Akpabio has consistently emphasized bipartisan cooperation over rigid partisanship. Committee appointments, major motions, and sensitive legislative debates have reflected efforts to accommodate competing interests while preserving institutional cohesion.
As a result, the 10th Senate has witnessed substantial cross-party cooperation on key national issues, even though disagreements naturally remain part of democratic governance.
Another area in which the Senate has demonstrated effectiveness is budgetary coordination. For three consecutive fiscal years, the National Assembly passed the national budget before the start of the new financial year. The 2024 budget of N27.5 trillion, for instance, was approved on December 30, 2023, ahead of the fiscal cycle. The Senate also passed the 2024 and 2025 appropriations totalling N43.5 trillion, although implementation timelines for some projects were subsequently extended to facilitate completion.
This marked a departure from previous cycles characterised by delayed budget approvals and implementation uncertainty. Timely budget passage improves predictability for Ministries, Departments, and Agencies, enhances investor confidence, allows contractors to plan more effectively, and supports smoother execution of government projects. In a developing economy like Nigeria, where public expenditure plays a major role in economic activity, budget stability remains important to growth and development.
At the same time, the Senate has continued to discharge its constitutional oversight responsibilities through investigative hearings, committee reviews, and ministerial screenings. During periods of persistent fuel scarcity, the Senate leadership engaged key stakeholders in the petroleum sector, including an oversight visit to the Dangote Petroleum Refinery. Supporters contend that the intervention helped keep national attention focused on domestic refining capacity and crude supply arrangements. Subsequent Federal Government measures, including support for naira-denominated crude transactions, were widely viewed as part of a broader effort to ease supply constraints and calm the downstream market. Today, the long fuel queues that once defined daily life have receded considerably, although deeper challenges in the energy sector remain.
On the international stage, the Senate under Akpabio has strengthened parliamentary diplomacy, carrying Nigeria’s voice into global conversations on democracy, development, security, and international cooperation. Nigeria has assumed a more visible role within the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), contributing to debates on democratic governance, collective security, climate resilience, and legislative best practices. Through these engagements, the Senate has sought not only to advance Nigeria’s interests but also to position the country as a constructive participant in addressing shared global challenges.
A notable diplomatic milestone was Nigeria’s election into the IPU Executive Committee for the first time in decades, a development widely interpreted as recognition of the country’s renewed parliamentary engagement within international legislative circles. Akpabio was also designated to serve on the Preparatory Committee for the 6th World Conference of Speakers of Parliament in 2024.
Domestically, one of the Senate’s most consequential constitutional moments came in August 2023 during the crisis in the Niger Republic following the military coup. When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, acting as Chairman of ECOWAS, sought legislative backing for possible regional intervention, the Senate urged restraint and prioritized diplomatic engagement over immediate military action. Widely viewed as a demonstration of legislative independence and respect for the principle of separation of powers, the decision reaffirmed the Senate’s constitutional role in matters of security and foreign policy while underscoring a preference for dialogue, diplomacy, and regional stability at a moment of heightened tension across West Africa.
No balanced assessment of the 10th Senate can entirely overlook concerns raised by critics and observers. Questions have occasionally been raised regarding the depth of scrutiny applied during the confirmation of some executive nominees, while certain oversight investigations produced outcomes that critics considered less robust than expected.
In broader terms, the 10th Senate has combined increased legislative activity with relative political stability while attempting to align its priorities with Nigeria’s economic and governance realities. Supporters point to the passage of the National Minimum Wage Amendment Act, the Investments and Securities Act, and multiple regional development commission bills as examples of substantive legislation with potentially long-term national impact.
With one legislative year remaining before the next election cycle begins to dominate political discourse, the principal test facing the 10th Senate may ultimately be one of implementation and public confidence. If the tax reforms strengthen revenue generation, if the student loan programme continues to expand educational access without major controversy, and if the Senate further enhances oversight transparency, the chamber may secure a more enduring institutional legacy. Conversely, if concerns about public perception and executive accommodation persist, critics may continue to question whether legislative productivity has translated into sufficient institutional independence. It is worth noting, however, that history suggests the most successful periods of national development have often occurred not during eras of executive-legislative confrontation, but when both arms of government cooperated effectively while remaining faithful to their distinct constitutional responsibilities.
If the reforms advanced by the Senate continue to produce measurable national impact, and if the institution successfully addresses concerns relating to oversight and accountability, history may ultimately remember the 10th Senate not merely as a productive legislature, but as one that contributed to stabilising governance and repositioning democratic institutions during a consequential period in Nigeria’s development.
Rt Hon Eseme Eyiboh mnipr is a former member and Spokesperson in the House of Representatives and currently, the Special Adviser on Media/ Publicity and Official Spokesperson to the President of the 10th Senate
Opinion
HURIWA Tells IGP: Stop Police Harassment of JKD Journalist, Let Masari Go to Court
By Our Correspondent
The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has demanded the immediate cessation of what it describes as the unconstitutional harassment and intimidation of JKD Radio/Television journalist, Zainab Salihu Yabagi, by the Kaduna State Police Command.
HURIWA is particularly alarmed by reports that the police declared the female journalist wanted over a video explainer concerning Ibrahim Masari, a Special Adviser to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, after heavily armed police personnel reportedly invaded the Millennium City, Kaduna studios of JKD Radio/Television on September 11, 2026.
According to reports available to HURIWA, the police initially claimed they were searching for Yabagi in connection with a “stolen phone.” However, during the operation, the organisation’s General Manager, Charles Abah, and a security personnel were reportedly arrested and detained for more than seven hours.
It was subsequently stated that Yabagi was being sought over allegations including criminal conspiracy, defamation, cyberstalking and bullying allegedly connected to Masari.
HURIWA therefore calls on the Inspector-General of Police, Tunde Disu, to immediately direct the Kaduna State Police Command to stop forthwith any harassment, intimidation or arbitrary pursuit of the journalist and other employees of JKD Radio/Television over the disputed broadcast.
If the Special Adviser believes that the broadcast defamed him, the appropriate response is to approach a competent court and seek redress, not to deploy the coercive machinery of the state against a journalist.
HURIWA strongly cautions against the abuse of the Cybercrime Prohibition Act as a convenient instrument for suppressing legitimate journalism and criticism. A cybercrime law must not become a backdoor mechanism for turning civil disputes over alleged defamation into criminal investigations, arrests and intimidation.
The Constitution is clear on the important role of the media. Section 22 of the 1999 Constitution places a constitutional responsibility on the press, radio, television and other mass media to hold government accountable and ensure that government remains responsible to the people.
Journalists cannot effectively discharge that constitutional responsibility if they are made to operate under the constant threat of police arrest simply because a public official is displeased with a report, commentary or video explainer.
HURIWA is not saying that journalists are above the law. Where there is credible evidence of a criminal offence, due process should be followed. But due process cannot mean sending armed police officers to raid a media organisation, arrest its personnel and declare a journalist wanted over a matter that can be subjected to judicial scrutiny.
The alleged use of police power in this manner is particularly troubling because of the reported involvement of a person serving as a Special Adviser to the President. No political appointment, proximity to the Presidency or access to government machinery should confer immunity from criticism or create a private police force for settling personal grievances.
HURIWA therefore urges the IGP to immediately review the circumstances surrounding the Kaduna operation and ensure that the police do not become instruments of self-help in what may essentially be a dispute over alleged defamation.
The Federal Government must also ensure that journalists, broadcasters and media organisations are allowed to operate freely, safely and without fear of arbitrary arrest, intimidation or reprisals.
The growing resort to criminal complaints, police invitations, arrests and searches against journalists over their professional activities risks further shrinking Nigeria’s civic space and weakening one of the constitutional pillars of democratic accountability.
HURIWA demands that the police stop forthwith the harassment of Zainab Salihu Yabagi and JKD Radio/Television and that any person alleging defamation should pursue the remedy available under the law rather than resort to state coercion.
Opinion
HURIWA: 37 Suspects Die in NSCDC Custody — ‘This Is State-Sponsored Terrorism’
By George Mgbeleke
The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has condemned in the strongest terms the reported death of 37 suspected illegal miners in the custody of the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) in Niger State, describing the incident as a grave state-sponsored human rights violation that must not be swept under the carpet.
In a statement by national coordinator of HURIWA ,Comrade Emmanuel Nnadozie Onwubiko, the group said Nigeria cannot continue to operate a system in which citizens are arrested alive by security agencies, taken into lawful custody and subsequently die in detention without an immediate, transparent and independent account of what happened to them.
The rights group says the reported deaths of the suspects in Minna raise disturbing questions about what occurred between the time they were arrested around the M.I. Wushishi/Lukoto axis on September 15 and 16, 2026, and the time their bodies were deposited at the General Hospital, Minna.
HURIWA asks bluntly: How did 37 people arrested alive end up dead in the custody of a government security agency?
The organisation says the sheer number of deaths makes the incident too serious to be treated as an ordinary internal disciplinary matter.
HURIWA notes that the NSCDC has announced an investigative panel and said the cause of death has not been medically or laboratory confirmed. The organisation welcomes the decision to investigate but insists that the NSCDC cannot investigate itself and expect Nigerians to accept the outcome as independent.
According to HURIWA, an institution whose personnel had custody of the deceased cannot simultaneously be the investigator, potential accused party and final authority determining whether its own officers bear responsibility.
“You cannot arrest citizens alive, lock them up under your custody and then investigate yourselves when they emerge dead. That is not independent justice,” HURIWA says.
The organisation therefore demands that President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and the Federal Government immediately constitute an independent judicial or multi-agency panel of inquiry into the deaths.
HURIWA wants the panel to include independent forensic pathologists, medical experts, the National Human Rights Commission, civil society representatives and other credible institutions with no connection to the detention operation.
The group demands full autopsies and independent laboratory and toxicological examinations to determine the precise cause of every death.
It also demands that investigators establish the condition of each suspect at the point of arrest, the number of detainees held, the cells and facilities used, the duration of detention, food and water provided, medical treatment administered, personnel on duty and every movement or transfer involving the suspects.
HURIWA further demands that all available CCTV footage, detention registers, medical records, arrest records, duty rosters and communication logs relating to the detainees be preserved and subjected to independent scrutiny.
The organisation says any officer found, after due process, to have unlawfully caused, facilitated or negligently contributed to the deaths must face criminal prosecution, including murder or other appropriate charges where the evidence supports such charges.
HURIWA also calls for the immediate suspension of officers directly implicated by preliminary evidence, pending the outcome of the independent investigation.
The rights group says officers of the state must understand that lawful custody does not confer a licence to abuse, torture, neglect or unlawfully expose detainees to conditions capable of causing death.
“A suspect is not a corpse. An arrest warrant is not a death warrant. Custody is not a licence to kill,” HURIWA says.
The organisation demands that the families of all the deceased be formally notified, allowed access to independent medical information and involved in the process of establishing the circumstances surrounding the deaths.
Where state responsibility is established, HURIWA demands ₦100 million compensation for each deceased victim, in addition to prosecution of responsible officials and any other remedies available under Nigerian law.
HURIWA says the Federal Government must also immediately account for every person currently detained in connection with the Niger State mining enforcement operation and ensure that their health, safety and fundamental rights are protected.
The organisation warns against any attempt to attribute the deaths to an alleged disease before credible medical and laboratory evidence establishes such a conclusion.
HURIWA says the deaths must not disappear into the familiar cycle of arrest, death, internal investigation and silence.
The group insists that Nigeria’s security agencies must understand that the constitutional rights of citizens do not disappear at the entrance of a detention facility.
HURIWA therefore calls on the Federal Government to treat the Niger deaths as a national human rights emergency and immediately establish an independent inquiry capable of determining responsibility, securing justice for the dead and preventing a repetition.
Opinion
Specil Appleal To All Freedom Fighters and Biafran Agitators
By Chief(Dr) Chekwas Okorie
I wish to state unequivocally that all our people who are pushed by our painful and unbearable situation in Nigeria to embark on and demand for our self-determination in Nigeria or outright exit for a separate state of Biafra are within their inalienable rights to do so. It is on record that the president of Nigeria Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu stated boldly and publicly that he did not believe in one Nigeria. He made this statement, which was widely published in Nigerian newspapers when he lost faith in the unity and oneness of Nigeria. Some years later, he became the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria without being restrained as a result of disowning Nigeria in the past.
Our leader, the General of the Peoples Army, Dim Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, who led the Biafran Armed Forces to successfully resist the war of annihilation mounted on the people of Biafra (1967-1970) was granted presidential pardon in 1982 by President Shehu Shagari. He returned to Nigeria from self exile and lived out the rest of his life with his people until 2011 when he joined our ancestors.
The resumed struggle for a separate state of Biafra has been prosecuted in several different ways by multiple groups since 1999 when MASSOB first emerged to 2012 when IPOB took the center stage under the leadership of Onyendu Mazi Nnamdi Kanu. There are many other groups that sprang up along the line with similar objectives for approximately 27 years. I do not want to belabor the fact of the collateral damage and economic costs of this adventure. I only wish to point out that the time to review the strategy, tactics, and methodology in seeking our quest for self-determination, freedom, and place of pride in Nigeria has come. As recently as Monday, 14th September 2026, the leaders of Scotland, Northern Ireland, and Welsh met to formulate a joint initiative to exit from the United Kingdom. In the same token, some geopolitical or regional zones in Nigeria may take similar concerted initiatives to redraw the political map of Nigeria at the fullness of time without violence.
There are over 100 active groups struggling for separation from the country they belong to in the world today, and only a few have the chances of referendum.
On June 19, 2021, Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of IPOB, was abducted at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport in Nairobi and flown to Nigerian on June 27, 2021.
The extraordinary rendition of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu from Kenya and his unending efforts to obtain justice from the Nigerian courts have been infuriating and provocative to a cross section of the Igbo people in Nigeria and abroad. Prominent Igbo leaders and my humble self as well as well-meaning Nigerian statesmen have appealed to the Nigerian authorities to apply political solutions and release Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and other Igbo political prisoners to foster national reconciliation. These appeals have been treated with contempt and ignominy. Mazi Nnamdi Kanu remains the symbol of Igbo dilemma in Nigeria. The President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Senator John Azuta-Mbata, on two separate occasions, spoke the minds of the entire Igbo Nation when he stated that it is the Igbo people that are in prison for as long as Mazi Nnamdi Kanu remains in prison. All efforts made by the late Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu, as the President General of Ohanaeze Ndigbo to pay a courtesy visit to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu with a delegation of Ohanaeze Ndigbo to seek a political resolution of this matter was rebuffed without the minimum respect of replying to Chief Iwuanyanwu’s letters. The Senator Azuta-Mbata led Ohanaeze Ndigbo has also not been received by the President on this matter that is of great concern to Ndigbo.
APPEAL.
In about four months, Nigerians will be going to the polls to elect a new set of leaders and representatives at all levels in a general election. This democratic exercise happens once in four years in Nigeria.
God has given us a large population and an outstanding geographical spread in Nigeria. There is no state in Nigeria that the Igbo people can not muster at least twenty-five percent of the voting population. Similarly, Igbo people constitute the second largest population by ethnicity in thirty-one states, and the FCT and ninety-nine percent of the population in the Southeast geopolitical zone.
In the Nigerian democracy population and spread are the most potent force for political power and relevance. When effectively deployed, we will regain our respect in Nigeria and secure what is due to us in the Federation without firing a shot.
I appeal to our people in the name of God to deploy the advantage the Almighty God has so graciously granted us and make a resounding political statement and secure the unconditional release of our son Mazi Nnamdi Kanu and his colleagues without having to kow-tow to anybody that will ridicule and insult us in the process.
There is nobody or groups who genuinely wish to see Mazi Nnamdi Kanu free in the nearest future that will be a party to any plot to dissuade our people from actively and massively participating in the 2027 general election. Similarly, l earnestly appeal to Igbo people in the diaspora to make a point of using their telephones and all available social media platforms to reach out to their friends, relations, and beneficiaries in Nigeria to file out on election days to exercise their franchise in the interest of all of us.
God bless Ndigbo.
Chief Dr. Chekwas Okorie
(Ojeozi Ndigbo)
National Chairman
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