By George Mgbeleke

The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) has condemned what it described as the Presidency’s desperate attempt to discredit Governor Seyi Makinde’s call for an independent international investigation into the abduction of schoolchildren and teachers in Oriire Local Government Area of Oyo State.

Rather than vilifying Governor Makinde, the Federal Government should embrace transparency by inviting the United Nations, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and other internationally respected investigative bodies to independently examine every aspect of the horrifying 56-day captivity and the circumstances surrounding the rescue operation.

If the Federal Government has nothing to hide, why is it uncomfortable with an independent investigation?

If security agencies have given Nigerians the full story, why the hostility towards international scrutiny?

Democracy thrives on accountability, not official propaganda.

HURIWA finds it curious that instead of welcoming an opportunity to strengthen public confidence, presidential spokesman Bayo Onanuga chose to attack Governor Makinde for demanding answers to questions that millions of Nigerians are already asking.

These are not political questions. They are questions arising from a national tragedy.

Where are the bodies of the terrorists reportedly neutralised during the operation?

Where are the terrorists said to have been arrested?

Who are these suspects and why have Nigerians not been given verifiable information about them?

Why was a newly trained Army officer reportedly deployed to lead such a dangerous rescue operation when Nigeria has thousands of highly experienced combat officers?

Who are the soldiers reportedly wounded, and under what circumstances were they injured?

Why were traumatised children and teachers hurried before television cameras for public interviews instead of first receiving comprehensive psychological evaluation, trauma counselling and professional debriefing?

Why did government officials appear more interested in public relations than in the emotional recovery of victims who had endured nearly two months in terrorist captivity?

These are legitimate questions in any democratic society. They cannot be dismissed as politics.

HURIWA fully supports Governor Seyi Makinde’s demand for an independent investigation because the incident raises issues that go beyond Oyo State. It touches directly on national security, institutional accountability and the constitutional duty of government to protect lives.

The association rejects every attempt to portray calls for transparency as an attack on Nigeria’s sovereignty.

Independent investigations are globally recognised mechanisms for establishing facts where public confidence has been shaken. Nigeria itself has welcomed international investigations in several instances involving human rights and security concerns. It would therefore amount to double standards to reject such scrutiny now.

HURIWA insists that transparency should never frighten an innocent government.

The Tinubu administration should immediately demonstrate confidence in its own narrative by formally inviting the United Nations, the FBI and other credible international investigative institutions to independently establish the facts surrounding the abduction, the prolonged captivity, the rescue operation and every institutional action taken before, during and after the incident.

History will not remember those who silenced questions. It will remember those who pursued the truth.

The children deserve the truth.

Their families deserve the truth.

Nigeria deserves the truth.

By George Mgbeleke
The Human Rights Writers Association of Nigeria (HURIWA) is deeply disturbed by what increasingly appears to be the politically tainted arrest and continued detention of former Minister of Innovation, Science and Technology, Chief Uche Nnaji, by the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission (ICPC).
From every objective standpoint, the circumstances surrounding this case raise profound cons Enforctitutional, legal and political questions that Nigerians cannot afford to ignore.
The dispute over Chief Nnaji’s academic records is already before a competent court of law. He had approached the Federal High Court seeking an order compelling the University of Nigeria, Nsukka (UNN), to release his academic transcript. Once a matter is before the court, every law enforcement agency ought to exercise restraint and allow the judicial process to run its course instead of creating the impression that guilt has already been predetermined.
It is therefore difficult to separate the timing of the ICPC’s actions from the unfolding political realignments in Enugu State ahead of the 2027 governorship election.
Chief Uche Nnaji was one of the founding pillars of the APC in Enugu State before political developments effectively pushed him out of the party. Having now aligned with the opposition, his rising political profile has inevitably placed him among those expected to shape the contest for the Enugu governorship. Against this backdrop, his arrest and continued detention naturally invite public scrutiny and legitimate questions about whether criminal law is being deployed as a tool in a political contest.
HURIWA is particularly concerned by allegations of political relationships involving key actors connected to the controversy surrounding the University of Nigeria, Nsukka. While these issues remain matters of public debate and have not been judicially determined, they reinforce the urgent need for complete transparency and scrupulous institutional neutrality.
The ICPC must understand that justice is not only about acting lawfully; it must also be seen to be free from political influence.
Equally troubling is the growing public perception that the ICPC is increasingly being deployed against prominent opposition figures at both the federal and state levels. Whether that perception is accurate or not, the Commission owes Nigerians a duty to demonstrate, through its actions, that it is guided solely by evidence, due process and the Constitution rather than partisan considerations.
It is impossible to ignore the obvious public questions being asked. Why was the Commission not similarly activated whenever politically exposed persons within the ruling establishment faced allegations requiring legal scrutiny? Why has the Commission suddenly become extraordinarily proactive in matters involving politicians who have either left the ruling party or are perceived as political threats? These are legitimate questions in a constitutional democracy and deserve credible answers rather than silence.
An anti-corruption agency derives its legitimacy from public confidence. Once citizens begin to perceive selective prosecution or political bias, the credibility painstakingly built over the years is severely diminished.
HURIWA therefore demands the immediate release of Chief Uche Nnaji from ICPC custody pending the determination of the issues already before the courts. The Commission should refrain from any action capable of creating the impression that it is being used to influence the political landscape ahead of the 2027 elections.
We also call on the Attorney-General of the Federation, the National Assembly, the Nigerian Bar Association, civil society organisations and the international democratic community to closely monitor this matter in order to ensure that the rule of law is not sacrificed on the altar of political expediency.
The ICPC was established to fight corruption without fear or favour—not to become an instrument for settling political scores or intimidating perceived opponents of those in power. It must jealously guard its institutional independence and avoid actions capable of undermining public trust.
HURIWA hereby gives the ICPC until 10:00 a.m. tomorrow to release Chief Uche Nnaji or provide a clear legal justification for his continued detention that is demonstrably unrelated to partisan political considerations. Failure to do so will only deepen public suspicion that the Commission is permitting itself to be drawn into Nigeria’s increasingly heated pre-2027 political contest.

By Ignatius Okorocha

Nigeria’s journey towards State Police has moved from public debate to legislative drafting. The Senate Leader, Senator Opeyemi Bamidele, has confirmed that the National Assembly is “working on a decentralised policing framework designed to strengthen accountability and prevent abuse by the political class”. The bill has already scaled third reading and passed by the Senate.

What Nigerians now require is not slogans, but specifics. If State Police is to be created, how will it be implemented effectively? How will community structures like vigilantes fit in? And how will cosmopolitan states resolve the thorny issue of “state of origin” at entry? These are the questions that will determine whether we get 36 professional services, or 36 militias.

*1. The Senate Leader’s Framework: Accountability as the Non-Negotiable*
Senator Bamidele’s submission is clear: the model must “incorporate strict safeguards to check misuse of power, reinforce the justice system, curb impunity, and protect fundamental human rights”. The essence, he says, is to “devolve policing powers to sub-national authorities” while “embedding accountability mechanisms and global best practices”.

This reflects a deliberate shift. The fear of State Police has always been “Governor’s private army.” The Senate’s response is institutional: *State Police Service Commissions* to regulate recruitment, training, and oversight, and provisions to move policing from the Exclusive to Concurrent Legislative List.

The Inspector-General of Police has also submitted a 75-page framework proposing a *two-tier system*: a Federal Police for terrorism, interstate crime, and protection of federal assets; and 37 State Police Services for local offences like homicide, armed robbery, domestic violence, and community intelligence. About 60% of existing officers would be redeployed to states, 40% retained federally. The roadmap is 60 months, starting with constitutional amendment.

*Analysis*: The Senate Leader is framing State Police not as a weakening of the NPF, but as a strengthening of security “at all levels of government”. The core modality, therefore, is _guardrailed decentralization_. Without independent commissions, budget autonomy, and national standards, the project will fail.

*2. Modalities for Effective Implementation: Law, Money, Training, Oversight*
Four pillars will decide success or failure:

1. *Legal Foundation*: Section 214(1) of the 1999 Constitution currently mandates a single Nigeria Police Force. Amendment is mandatory. The Senate plans to isolate the State Police clause for fast-track passage due to “national urgency”.
2. *Funding Architecture*: Most states cannot fund salaries from IGR alone. The Senate has concurrently raised the Nigeria Police Trust Fund allocation from 0.5% to 1% of the Consolidated Revenue Fund. A federal-state matching grant model is inevitable. A police force that is underfunded becomes an extortionist force.
3. *Training & Standards*: If Kano trains for 12 weeks and Lagos for 36, you have 36 different polices. A National Policing Standards Bureau, as proposed in expert drafts, must set minimum human rights, forensic, and operational benchmarks.
4. *Accountability Mechanisms*: Bamidele insists the framework must “discourage impunity and safeguard fundamental human rights”. That means Independent Complaints Commissions, body-worn cameras, and judicial oversight that cannot be dissolved by a Governor. 24b914abda819cdd

: Implementation is technical, not political theater. The absence of any of these four will reproduce the weaknesses of the current central system, only at state level.

*3. Vigilante Groups: From Parallel Power to Community Policing Corps*
Community initiatives — _Amotekun_, _Ebubeagu_, _Civilian JTF_ — exist because response times from Abuja are too slow. They have local language, local intelligence, and local trust. 3003

The Senate/IGP framework suggests state formations will handle “community intelligence gathering”. The practical model is a *two-tier structure*:
– *Sworn State Police Officers*: Armed, trained, with powers of arrest and prosecution.
– *Vetted Community Policing Volunteers*: Unarmed or lightly armed, focused on intelligence, patrols, and early warning. 9cdd

This formalizes what already exists, but with vetting, training, and legal cover. The danger is to simply “absorb” vigilantes without reform. The law must draw a bright line: intelligence and support to vigilantes; coercion and prosecution to the state.

: Integration is not optional. It is the only way to scale manpower to Nigeria’s population ratio. But it must be regulated, or we legitimize existing abuses.

4. The State of Origin Dilemma: Indigene vs. Resident in Cosmopolitan States.
This is the most politically explosive question.

The traditional model is _indigeneity_: you join the police of your “state of origin.” That works in relatively homogenous states. It collapses in Lagos, FCT, Rivers, Ogun, and Kano, where non-indigenes form a large share of the population and tax base.

Senator Bamidele argues that “local police officers are better equipped to obtain actionable intelligence… because they understand local languages, customs and social structures”. That logic supports local recruitment, but not exclusion.

*Likely modalities for Lagos and others*:
– *Residency Quota*: E.g., 70% indigenes, 30% long-term residents.
– *Domicile Criteria*: 10-15 years residency, tax clearance, voter registration, or school records as proof of stake.
– *Born-and-Bred Clause*: Citizens born in-state, even to non-indigene parents, to be eligible as “residents.”

Excluding a Lagos-born child of Enugu parents would create second-class citizens and undermine the very “community intelligence” the Senate wants. The State Police Law will have to define “indigene” more broadly than the civil service does, or face constitutional challenges under Section 42 on discrimination.

: Cosmopolitan states will force Nigeria to shift from _ethnicity_ to _domicile_ as the basis for public service entry. The alternative is under-policed megacities and rising resentment.

*5. The Unanswered Question: Citizens Born Outside Their State of Origin*
Will a Nigerian born and resident in Lagos for 20 years, but from Benue by parentage, qualify for Lagos State Police? The answer must be yes, with conditions.

If the law insists only on “indigene certificate,” Lagos will not fill its ranks, and non-indigenes will see no stake in policing their communities. The compromise emerging in constitutional review discussions is “residency plus,” i.e., longer residency thresholds for non-indigenes than for indigenes. 922a

The law must also provide *inter-state transfer protocols* and *anti-discrimination clauses*, so State Police does not become an ethnic enclave force.

6. What the State Police Law Must Contain on Day One*
If the bill passes the Senate and 24 State Houses of Assembly, these clauses cannot be left for later regulations:
1. *Election Neutrality*: Who commands during elections? INEC and Federal oversight provisions are critical.
2. *Cross-border Jurisdiction*: Mutual aid agreements so a Delta officer can pursue a suspect into Edo without legal ambiguity.
3. *Political Interference Firewall*: Bamidele’s “strict safeguards” must be codified: fixed tenures for Commissioners, removal only by the Commission, not the Governor.
4. *Federal Character Within States*: To prevent one group from monopolizing a state command.

*Conclusion: A Test of Federalism, Not Just Security*
The Senate Leader is correct: “there cannot be a better time to establish state police than now”. The centralized model is overstretched. But the real test is not creation; it is design. 14ab

State Police will succeed only if it is *accountable, funded, standardized, and inclusive*. If we get the law right, we decentralize security and trust. If we get the politics wrong, we decentralize failure and impunity.

Nigeria does not need 36 militias. It needs 36 professional, community-rooted, and constitutionally bound police services. The Senate’s submission provides the outline.